Ce mémoire porte sur la polémique qui a eu lieu au Québec entre mars 2006 et décembre 2007 autour des pratiques d’« accommodements raisonnables » pour motif religieux. À partir d’une approche compréhensive et d’un cadre théorique propre à la sociologie des relations ethniques, il propose une analyse qualitative de lettres d’opinion publiées dans des quotidiens québécois. Une première analyse, thématique, a permis de constituer des registres argumentaires dans lesquels ont puisé les participants au débat public sur les « accommodements raisonnables » par le biais de lettres d’opinion. Une seconde analyse, comparative, a permis de construire des figures d’intervenants du débat public qui témoignent non seulement des forces idéologiques qui se sont affrontées dans le débat public, mais également de leur positionnement au croisement des axes saillants de la différenciation sociale dans cette polémique Les résultats de ces analyses suggèrent d’abord que la polémique résulte d’un conflit entre marqueurs identitaires devant servir au positionnement des frontières ethniques, et ensuite que la polémique des « accommodements raisonnables » a donné lieu à une reconfiguration des rapports ethniques au Québec, attribuable à la dissociation entre le conflit entre deux nations et celui sur les critères d’inclusion à la nation. / This master’s thesis addresses the polemic that took place in Québec between March 2006 and December 2007 on the “reasonable accommodation” of religious minorities. Starting from a comprehensive perspective and a theoretical framework peculiar to the sociology of ethnic relations, it offers a two-pronged qualitative analysis of the open letters published in Québec newspapers. First, the various arguments made by participants in the debate are identified and categorized by means of thematic analysis. Second, a comparative approach is used to identify the various types of participants in this debate, taking into account both the nature of the ideological forces at work and their position on the most salient social-differentiation axes that structured the debate. The results suggest that the polemic arose from a conflict between the various “identity markers” used to place ethnic boundaries. Moreover, it suggests that the polemic also gave rise to a reconfiguration of ethnic relations in Québec, due to the distinction between the debate on the nation-to-nation conflict and that on the criteria for inclusion in the nation.

Esta pesquisa buscou realizar uma análise de alguns trabalhos que articulavam a categoria raça ao campo da educação visando verificar a relevância do papel desempenhado pela instituição escolar no que esta se relaciona à questão étnico-racial no Brasil. Buscando atingir tal objetivo realizou-se um mapeamento dos trabalhos apresentados em duas das principais associações nacionais de pesquisa e pós-graduação das Ciências Sociais e da Educação, a Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais (ANPOCS) e a Associação Nacional de Pós-Graduação e Pesquisa em Educação (ANPEd), no período de 1988 a 2003. A observação do mapeamento citado permitiu identificar que os conceitos identidade e cidadania apresentavam-se diretamente relacionados às questões étnico-raciais e a educação nos textos analisados. Tanto este mapeamento quanto o acompanhamento da literatura contemporânea das Ciências Sociais e da Educação, relacionadas às questões étnico-raciais, informaram a necessidade do estudo das relações que se estabelecem entre a educação formal, o movimento negro e as políticas públicas educacionais. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar as interconexões entre as produções teóricas que articulam raça e educação na ANPOCS e ANPEd apontando para a compreensão do espaço e da educação escolar enquanto lugares centrais na constituição e rediscussão dos parâmetros da cidadania e/ou como o lugar da construção dos processos de identificação dos sujeitos aos quais se destinam os processos educacionais por meio da pertença étnico-racial. Por fim, buscou-se uma aproximação entre os instrumentos normativos/legais que institucionalizam as políticas públicas educacionais no país: a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação (LDB), o Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) e o Plano de Desenvolvimento da Educação (PDE) e os debates apresentados pelos trabalhos analisados. / This research aimed to conduct a few works that articulated the category race to the field of education in order to verify the relevance of the role played by the school institution as it relates to ethnic-racial issue in Brazil. Seeking to achieve this objective it is a mapping of the papers presented at two major national associations of research and graduate of Social Sciences and Education, the National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in Social Sciences (ANPOCS) and the National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in Education (ANPEd) during 1988-2003. The observation of the aforementioned mapping identified the concepts of identity and citizenship presented directly related to ethnic and racial issues and education in the analyzed texts. Both this mapping as the monitoring of the contemporary literature of Social Sciences and Education, issues related to ethnicity, race, reported the need to study the relationships established between the formal education, the black movement and educational policies. In this sense, the research aimed to examine the interconnections between theoretical treatises that articulate race and education in ANPOCS ANPEd and pointing to the understanding of space and school education as central places in the constitution and re-discussion of the parameters of citizenship and / or as construction place processes to identify the persons to whom they are intended educational processes through the racial-ethnic membership. Finally, we sought a rapprochement between the normative instruments / legal policies that institutionalize public education in the country: the Law of Guidelines and Bases of Education (LDB), the National Education Plan (NEP) and the Development Plan for Education (PDE) and discussions presented by the works analyzed.

Por que os livros de culinária quase nunca retratam a comida afro-brasileira e africana como ela merece ser tratada? Foi a partir de questionamentos como esse, feitos por mulheres negras, que se desenvolveu esta pesquisa. Nela, objetivou-se entender qual o tratamento dado à culinária afro-brasileira em publicações culinárias nacionais que circularam pelo país no século XX. Partiu-se do pressuposto de que a participação afro-brasileira na construção de discursos sobre a cultura brasileira foi negada e embranquecida, e que esse processo também ocorreu nos discursos sobre a culinária brasileira. Formulou-se, assim, a hipótese de que, ao longo do século XX, os livros de receitas editados no Brasil teriam abordado a culinária negra de acordo com o pensamento racial da época. Para averiguar tal hipótese, foram analisadas quatro obras culinárias de grande circulação no período: Cozinheiro nacional, Comer bem: Dona Benta, A cozinha brasileira e O grande livro da cozinha maravilhosa de Ofélia. A partir do entendimento de que esses livros são produtos e produtores das formas de pensar da sociedade brasileira, buscou-se analisar seu contexto de surgimento, seu projeto editorial, seu perfil culinário e a abordagem que foram dadas nessas publicações às preparações afro-brasileiras em receitas, ilustrações e nos demais paratextos. Apresentou-se, ainda, um panorama das teorias e discussões que, em cada momento, balizavam o pensamento social sobre a formação racial brasileira, problematizando qual o impacto destas nas concepções nutricionais e gastronômicas que aludiam à culinária negra. Constatou-se, desse modo, que, dadas as noções raciais vigentes e a relevância atribuída ao registro escrito na formação de um discurso sobre a culinária brasileira, os grupos afro-brasileiros não tiveram participação na formulação dessas publicações culinárias. Logo, a representação de seu universo culinário tornou-se diminuta, enviesada pela lógica racista e circunscrita a uma abordagem intencionalmente regionalizada e folclorizante. Assim, estimular outras abordagens faz-se necessário para conferir a real complexidade desses saberes e sabores. / Why the Brazilian cookbooks have almost never portrayed the Afro-Brazilian and the African food in the way that it deserves to be treated? It was from questions like these made by black women this research was developed. Its aim is to understand what kind of treatment had been given to the afro-Brazilian culinary by the national cookbooks that circulated in the country during the 20th century. Starting from the assumption that the afro-Brazilian contribution in the construction of the Brazilian cultural discourse had been negated, and whitened, and that this same process had occurred to the discourse of the Brazilian culinary as well. Thus the hypothesis is formulated that throughout the 20th century, the cookbooks edited in Brazil had approached black culinary according to the racial thinking of its time. To investigate such a hypothesis, four cookbooks widely circulated at this time were investigated. Cozinheiro nacional, Comer bem: Dona Benta, A cozinha brasileira e O grande livro da cozinha maravilhosa de Ofélia. Starting from the understanding that these books are products and producers of forms of thinking in the Brazilian society, we have analyzed its emerging context, its editorial design, culinary profile and the approaches that these publications were given to the preparations of Afro-Brazilian in recipes, illustrations and other paratexts. The work presents also an overview on the theories and discussions that guided at every moment the social thinking of the Brazilian racial formation, problematizing the impact of such concepts in nutritional and gastronomic cuisine that alluded to the black culinary. It was found given to the prevailing racial notions and importance given to written record in the formation of Brazilian cuisine discourse, that those Afro-Brazilian groups had no involvement in the formulation of these culinary publications. Thus, the representation of their culinary universe became decreased, inclined to a racist logic and circumscribed to an intentionally regionalized and folklorized approach. Thereby stimulate other approaches is necessary to verify the actual complexity of these knowledge and tastes.

The inter-ethnic conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo have persisted since the war in Kosovo in 1999, even though it has been improved in recent years. A friendly relationship between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo is vital for the future of Kosovo, and for the security in the Balkan region. The aim with this study is to explain how the relationship between Serbs and Albanians has changed since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008. Interviews have been conducted with six Serbs and six Albanians living in Kosovo. The interviews were mainly based on three key moments which were considered to have had an influence on the inter-ethnic relationship. The results from the interviews showed that these three key moments have resulted in antagonism between, but also within the two ethnic groups. However, the growth of antagonism seems to have been a consequence of how politicians and media on both sides in Kosovohave handled these key moments, rather than as a consequence of the key moments per se.

"July 2004" / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 65-68) / 257, 68 leaves : ill. (some col.), map ; 30 cm. / Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, Discipline of English, 2004

<p>The aim of this study is to illustrate and unfold the dynamic interaction between conditions of integration and patterns of integration, in other words the structural conditions related to processes of integration and normalization of every day life. This is done with concrete reference to Bosnian refugees living in Malmö and Umeå during 1996-1997, having received permanent permission to stay in Sweden during 1992-1995. How do refugees under different conditions arrange their lives, perceive their own life situation, manage the course of daily life and develop individual life patterns? The study shows that processes of integration and normalisation depend on and has an impact on involvement and participation in social, economic, political and cultural life in general. Background statistics, official documents and local daily press material together with intense interviews with Bosnian refugees and key-informants constitute the empirical base of the study. The theoretical base consists of a holistic perspective on integration, including aspects of ethnicity, culture and gender. The focus is on the double-sided processes of integration among refugees in relation to the established population. Refugees’ processes of integration and normalization are described and discussed with reference to patterns of living conditions, patterns of integration, patterns of action and patterns of attitudes. The general conclusion is that refugees’ life patterns are very fragile. Processes of integration and normalization depend on conditions of involvement and of participation as well as the openness of the society at large and specifically on how civil, political and social rights are supplied for. This in turn raises the question of the importance of not only formal but also substantial citizenship rights. Integration is also closely related to possible changes towards more flexible gendered spaces of action. The more equal gender relations in the family become the more it opens up for possibilities of integration and normalization for both women and men. Encompassing possibilities to integration into the society at large combined with increased potentials of altering conventional power relations between women and men are vital for the processes of integration and normalization among refugees.</p>

The aim of this study is to illustrate and unfold the dynamic interaction between conditions of integration and patterns of integration, in other words the structural conditions related to processes of integration and normalization of every day life. This is done with concrete reference to Bosnian refugees living in Malmö and Umeå during 1996-1997, having received permanent permission to stay in Sweden during 1992-1995. How do refugees under different conditions arrange their lives, perceive their own life situation, manage the course of daily life and develop individual life patterns? The study shows that processes of integration and normalisation depend on and has an impact on involvement and participation in social, economic, political and cultural life in general. Background statistics, official documents and local daily press material together with intense interviews with Bosnian refugees and key-informants constitute the empirical base of the study. The theoretical base consists of a holistic perspective on integration, including aspects of ethnicity, culture and gender. The focus is on the double-sided processes of integration among refugees in relation to the established population. Refugees’ processes of integration and normalization are described and discussed with reference to patterns of living conditions, patterns of integration, patterns of action and patterns of attitudes. The general conclusion is that refugees’ life patterns are very fragile. Processes of integration and normalization depend on conditions of involvement and of participation as well as the openness of the society at large and specifically on how civil, political and social rights are supplied for. This in turn raises the question of the importance of not only formal but also substantial citizenship rights. Integration is also closely related to possible changes towards more flexible gendered spaces of action. The more equal gender relations in the family become the more it opens up for possibilities of integration and normalization for both women and men. Encompassing possibilities to integration into the society at large combined with increased potentials of altering conventional power relations between women and men are vital for the processes of integration and normalization among refugees.

This dissertation investigates the labour migration from Southern Europe to Sweden, and the changes in Swedish immigration policy between 1960 and 1972. The first part of the dissertation examines the role of the state in shaping the migration streams from Southern Europe to Sweden. From the beginning of the 1950s to 1966, Sweden’s borders were relatively open, and this facilitated a significant amount of immigration. A system of unregulated individual labour migration developed, where foreign citizens could enter Sweden as tourists and thereafter look for work and obtain a work permit. For a significant period of time there doesn’t seem to have been any strong opposition to this laissez-faire system. This all changed during the 1960s, however, when the liberal immigration regulations were called into question. An important factor was that immigration increased dramatically in the mid-1960s. In addition, the national composition of the migration streams to Sweden changed during these years. Immigration from Yugoslavia, Greece and also from Turkey increased, while the number of immigrants from the Nordic countries diminished. In connection with the changing immigration pattern, certain actors, such as the trade unions and Sweden’s central employment authority, AMS, called for more restrictive immigration regulations. Demands from the trade unions and AMS led to a more stringent immigration control in 1966, and again in 1967, when a new Swedish immigration policy was introduced. Swedish research into changes in immigration policy during the 1960s often emphasizes the considerable influence of the trade unions on the policy shift. An argument put forward in this dissertation is that the intensification of immigration control not only reflected the demands of the trade unions, but that significant demands also came from within the state apparatus, and particularly from AMS. AMS was a relatively autonomous actor when the immigration regulations changed in 1966-1967, and its demands and knowledge regarding the influx of migrant labour made a significant contribution to the formation of the new immigration policy. The second part of the dissertation investigates how industrial companies have shaped the migration streams from Southern Europe to Sweden. Immigrants from Yugoslavia and Greece were often recruited in order to perform the heavy and subordinate work in the manufacturing industries that native workers had either avoided or left at that particular time. The dissertation attempts to explain this concentration of Southern Europeans in subordinate positions in the manufacturing industries. During the 1960s, Yugoslavs became the largest non-Nordic group in the migration streams to Sweden. How did Sweden become connected with this emigration country situated in the Mediterranean? A conclusion is that, to a great extent, the requirements and actions of industrial companies shaped the national composition of the migration streams to Sweden.

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

No description available.