O processo de integração regional busca implementar o atendimento de questões gerais que os Estados Nacionais, pela sua limitação de recursos, não conseguem enfrentar isoladamente. O exemplo mais tangível destes processos no sistema internacional é a integração europeia. Na América do Sul, embora exista um número significativo de instituições com o objetivo de fomentar a integração regional, ela não tem evoluído. As disputas políticas e fiscais têm embaçado a visão dos principais atores que poderiam estimular essa nova ordem regional. Contudo algumas áreas, sobretudo aquelas que possuem um baixo nível de controvérsias, podem incentivar ou até mesmo incrementar o processo de integração regional. No continente sul americano, o setor elétrico, pela a abundância de recursos de fontes primárias para geração, poderá ser o elemento catalizador desse novo sistema de cooperação. Assim, esse trabalho analisou como a Comunidade Europeia para o Carvão e o Aço (ECSC/CECA) impulsionou a integração europeia, com o objetivo de verificar o potencial sinérgico para a cooperação que uma eventual instituição supranacional de energia elétrica teria para estimular a integração da América do Sul. A experiência europeia foi utilizada, portanto, como um caso de controle e comparação, para verificar se as condições de integração ocorridas naquele continente podem se assemelhar com aquelas do processo sul-americano. Nesse sentido, utilizando o referencial teórico Neo-funcionalista de Ernst Haas e sua micro-teoria do spill-over ou desborde, o estudo pretendeu observar se esse tipo de fenômeno pode ser repetido no caso de uma possível constituição de um sistema elétrico integrado na América do Sul. Para isso, verificam-se os elementos contextuais, a forma e o conteúdo dos discursos sobre a integração realizados no interior dos principais blocos da região, bem como se interrelacionam os grupos políticos, os grupos de interesse e os governos nacionais a respeito da questão. O trabalho utiliza pesquisas do Latinobarômetro, documentos das principais intituições para integração na região e um trabalho realizado pelo NUPRI/USP sobre integração sul americana. Ainda que os aspectos sociais, econômicos e políticos sejam diferentes da experiência europeia, o trabalho colheu evidências convergentes e satisfatórias para a formação do spill-over, a partir da eventual integração do setor energético na América do Sul, apontando assim, para a possibilidade de construção de um processo de integração regional que pode ser explicado e inspirado pela teoria Neofuncionalista. / The regional integration process seeks to implement the care of general issues that the National States, for its limited resources, can not cope alone. The most tangible example of these processes in the international system is European integration. In South America, although there are a significant number of institutions in order to foster regional integration, it has not evolved. Policies and tax disputes have blurry vision of the key players that could stimulate this new regional order. However some areas, especially those with a low level of disputes, can encourage or even enhance the process of regional integration. In the South American continent, the electric sector by the abundance of resources for primary generation sources may be the catalyst element of this new system of cooperation. Thus, this study examined how the European Community for Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) boosted European integration, with the aim of verifying the synergistic potential for cooperation that any supranational institution of electricity would have to stimulate the integration of South America. The European experience was therefore used as a case-control comparison and to verify that the conditions of integration occurring in that continent may be similar to those of the South American process. Accordingly, using the theoretical framework Neo-functionalism of Ernst Haas and his micro-theory of spillover or overflowing, the study aimed to observe whether this type of phenomenon can be repeated in case of a possible establishment of an integrated electric system in America South. For this, there are contextual elements, the form and content of the discourse on integration performed inside the main blocks in the region, as well as interrelate political groups, interest groups and national governments on the issue. The work uses surveys of Latinbarometer, documents the main institutions for integration in the region and work done by NUPRI / USP on South American integration. While the social, economic and political aspects are different from the European experience, work reaped satisfactory convergent and for the formation of the spill-over from the eventual integration of the energy sector in South American evidence, thus pointing to the possibility of construction of a regional integration process that can be explained and inspired by the Neo-functionalist theory.

A Dinamarca possui, sem dúvida alguma, uma das políticas mais excepcionais em relação à Europa integrada. Desde os primórdios da integração europeia, no início dos anos 50, o país demonstrou um forte ceticismo e, para alguns, um forte receio com a ideia de uma Europa unida. Mesmo após sua incorporação à Comunidade Europeia, no início dos anos 70, a Dinamarca se posicionou como membro de uma outra comunidade, a nórdica, e que, dessa forma, seu papel na Comunidade Europeia consistia em criar uma ponte entre estas duas comunidades. Era de comum entendimento entre as elites do país, bem como por grande parte da sociedade civil, que a integração europeia representava valores típicos da Europa continental que, por sua vez, conflitavam com os valores nórdicos. O excepcionalismo dinamarquês manteve-se mesmo após o término da Guerra Fria, quando, em 1993, o Governo do país compreendeu, em seu Livro Branco, que a União Europeia seria o principal fórum internacional para a promoção dos valores e interesses da Dinamarca, mas devido a uma recusa popular em aceitar o Tratado que Estabelecia a União Europeia, o país estipulou a existência de quatro ressalvas formais os opt-outs às políticas europeias, entre aquelas mais sensíveis à soberania nacional. Inúmeras hipóteses foram levantadas na tentativa de compreender tal peculiaridade, entre estas, destacamos a existência de uma percepção mantida tanto pela elite política do país, como por parte da sociedade civil, de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa. Dessa forma, a relutância dinamarquesa com o processo europeu de integração poderia ser compreendido pelo desejo do país em se inserir em um outro processo de integração, somente entre os países nórdicos. Tendo em vista tal entendimento, esta pesquisa, através de uma abordagem sociológico-histórica, tem por objetivo compreender em que medida a percepção de uma alternativa nórdica à Europa impactou na construção do, então chamado, dilema de integração dinamarquês, ou seja, desta posição relutante desenvolvida pelo país em relação à Comunidade Europeia / União Europeia. Para colaborar, iremos analisar a questão nórdica no desenvolvimento da política externa e de segurança da Dinamarca. Argumentaremos que embora nem sempre tenha sido apresentado como uma alternativa real, a questão nórdica demonstra-se de extrema importância para compreender a posição dinamarquesa na Europa. / Denmark has, without doubt, one of the most exceptional policies towards Europe. From the beginning of European integration in the early 50s the country has demonstrated a strong skepticism and, for some, a strong concern with the idea of a united Europe. Even after her incorporation into the European Community in the early 70s, Denmark has positioned herself as a member of another community, the Nordic one, and, therefore, the Danish role in the European Community was to \'build bridges\' between these two communities. It was a common understanding among the Danish elites, and to a large part of civil society, that European integration represented typical values of the \'continental Europe\' which, in turn, were in conflict with the Nordic values. The Danish exceptionalism remained even after the end of the Cold War, when in 1993 the Danish government understood in its White Paper that the European Union would be the main international forum for the promotion of Danish values and interest, but due to a popular refusal to accept the Treaty that established the European Union, the government stipulated the existence of four formal reservations - the opt-outs to European policies, among those most sensitive to national sovereignty. Several hypotheses have been raised in an attempt to understand this peculiarity, among these, we can highlight the existence of a perception both by the political elite of the country as by civil society of a Nordic alternative to Europe. Thus, the Danish reluctance to the European integration process could be understood by the country\'s desire to be part in another integration process, among the Nordic countries. Therefore, through a historical sociological approach, this research seeks to understand to what extent the perception of a Nordic alternative to Europe impacted on the construction of the so called \'Danish integration dilemma, i.e. in this reluctant position developed by the country towards the European Community / European Union. To this end, we will examine the Nordic question in the development of the Danish Foreign and Security Policy. We will argue that although it has not always been presented as a real alternative, the Nordic question can be seen as a very important factor to understand the Danish position in Europe.

O processo de integração regional busca implementar o atendimento de questões gerais que os Estados Nacionais, pela sua limitação de recursos, não conseguem enfrentar isoladamente. O exemplo mais tangível destes processos no sistema internacional é a integração europeia. Na América do Sul, embora exista um número significativo de instituições com o objetivo de fomentar a integração regional, ela não tem evoluído. As disputas políticas e fiscais têm embaçado a visão dos principais atores que poderiam estimular essa nova ordem regional. Contudo algumas áreas, sobretudo aquelas que possuem um baixo nível de controvérsias, podem incentivar ou até mesmo incrementar o processo de integração regional. No continente sul americano, o setor elétrico, pela a abundância de recursos de fontes primárias para geração, poderá ser o elemento catalizador desse novo sistema de cooperação. Assim, esse trabalho analisou como a Comunidade Europeia para o Carvão e o Aço (ECSC/CECA) impulsionou a integração europeia, com o objetivo de verificar o potencial sinérgico para a cooperação que uma eventual instituição supranacional de energia elétrica teria para estimular a integração da América do Sul. A experiência europeia foi utilizada, portanto, como um caso de controle e comparação, para verificar se as condições de integração ocorridas naquele continente podem se assemelhar com aquelas do processo sul-americano. Nesse sentido, utilizando o referencial teórico Neo-funcionalista de Ernst Haas e sua micro-teoria do spill-over ou desborde, o estudo pretendeu observar se esse tipo de fenômeno pode ser repetido no caso de uma possível constituição de um sistema elétrico integrado na América do Sul. Para isso, verificam-se os elementos contextuais, a forma e o conteúdo dos discursos sobre a integração realizados no interior dos principais blocos da região, bem como se interrelacionam os grupos políticos, os grupos de interesse e os governos nacionais a respeito da questão. O trabalho utiliza pesquisas do Latinobarômetro, documentos das principais intituições para integração na região e um trabalho realizado pelo NUPRI/USP sobre integração sul americana. Ainda que os aspectos sociais, econômicos e políticos sejam diferentes da experiência europeia, o trabalho colheu evidências convergentes e satisfatórias para a formação do spill-over, a partir da eventual integração do setor energético na América do Sul, apontando assim, para a possibilidade de construção de um processo de integração regional que pode ser explicado e inspirado pela teoria Neofuncionalista. / The regional integration process seeks to implement the care of general issues that the National States, for its limited resources, can not cope alone. The most tangible example of these processes in the international system is European integration. In South America, although there are a significant number of institutions in order to foster regional integration, it has not evolved. Policies and tax disputes have blurry vision of the key players that could stimulate this new regional order. However some areas, especially those with a low level of disputes, can encourage or even enhance the process of regional integration. In the South American continent, the electric sector by the abundance of resources for primary generation sources may be the catalyst element of this new system of cooperation. Thus, this study examined how the European Community for Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) boosted European integration, with the aim of verifying the synergistic potential for cooperation that any supranational institution of electricity would have to stimulate the integration of South America. The European experience was therefore used as a case-control comparison and to verify that the conditions of integration occurring in that continent may be similar to those of the South American process. Accordingly, using the theoretical framework Neo-functionalism of Ernst Haas and his micro-theory of spillover or overflowing, the study aimed to observe whether this type of phenomenon can be repeated in case of a possible establishment of an integrated electric system in America South. For this, there are contextual elements, the form and content of the discourse on integration performed inside the main blocks in the region, as well as interrelate political groups, interest groups and national governments on the issue. The work uses surveys of Latinbarometer, documents the main institutions for integration in the region and work done by NUPRI / USP on South American integration. While the social, economic and political aspects are different from the European experience, work reaped satisfactory convergent and for the formation of the spill-over from the eventual integration of the energy sector in South American evidence, thus pointing to the possibility of construction of a regional integration process that can be explained and inspired by the Neo-functionalist theory.

英國於1973年正式加入歐洲統合而成爲歐體會員國，至2016年6月23日公投決定脫歐，身為歐盟第二大經濟國，43年的關係已確定要分手。 歐盟經濟和社會政策的核心總結起來為四大自由-包括商品、資金、人員及服務，因此歐元及申根條約為其支柱，可是自歐債危機、敘利亞難民以及恐怖攻擊後，頓時令這兩大支柱受到挑戰，多種因素讓英國認為與歐盟的統合已經走到「弊大於利」，因此選擇說再見的時候。 本研究循歷史發展探討英國與歐盟間之競合，並以互賴理論，自英國加入歐盟之利益考量，脫歐公投之背景及分析脫歐派與留歐派雙方之立場，就經貿、就業機會、會費預算、歐債危機、移民、邊境管控等面向分析，以及脫歐後對於英國及歐盟之影響。也因歐盟「中央集權化」的趨勢下，英國認為對於法規、財政治理、移民管控自主權的喪失，而以拿回主權為訴求。 自英國決定脫歐後，英國首相梅伊(Theresa Mary May)於今(2017)年也已提出了脫歐計畫白皮書，闡明將完全的脫離歐盟，日後雙方的談判仍是漫長艱難。 從英國脫歐到川普當選都顯示出反全球化思潮、種族民族主義、反對向歐盟等超國家組織讓渡主權，此股風潮正在改變歐美政治，因此期藉由本研究，能初探其原因。 / In 1973, the United Kingdom officially joined European integration and became a member of the European Community. In June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a public vote for Brexit and decided to leave the European Union (EU). As the second largest economy in the EU, the United Kingdom is determined to terminate the 43-year relationship with the EU. The EU economic and social policy core contents comprise four basic freedoms, namely, goods, capital, people, and services. Euro and the Schengen Agreement are the two pillars supporting the EU. However, the European debt crisis, Syrian refugees, and terrorist attacks have affected the stability of the two pillars. Various factors cause British people to believe that it is unworthy of continuing European integration because the United Kingdom benefits from the EU at a cost of losing more. This study investigates the history of coopetition between the United Kingdom and the EU and uses interdependence theory to analyse the economic consideration of the United Kingdom to join the EU, the context of the Brexit vote, and the viewpoints of advocates and opposition for remaining in the EU. We also analyse different dimensions, including trade, job opportunity, the EU membership fee, European debt crisis, immigrants, and border control, as well as the effect of Breixt on both the UK itself and the EU. In addition, because of the centralization trend of the EU, the United Kingdom claims to retrieve the losing autonomy of legal regulation, fiscal governance, and immigration control. After the decision of leaving the EU was determined, the UK Prime Minister Theresa Mary May proposed a Brexit White Paper in 2017, declaring that the United Kingdom will leave the EU completely. Long and complicated negotiations between the United Kingdom and the EU are expected. From the Brexit issue to Trump elected as the US president, these events reveal a trend of antiglobalisation, ethnic nationalism, and refusal to yield sovereignty to supranational organisations such as the EU. This trend is changing the politics in the Europe and the United States; thus, the present study is conducted to preliminarily identify the rationale behind this trend.

This thesis explores the history of European integration in the 1950s and 1960s from a popular cultural perspective anchored to a central figure from the era, Brigitte Bardot, in order to demonstrate that the peoples of Western Europe were engaged in processes of Europeanization that helped legitimize economic and political unions. Yet, official EU policy’s privileging of one (outdated) mode for understanding culture has handicapped alternative interpretations of a common European cultural heritage, failing to embrace a shared popular culture. Bardot is a suitable icon through which to begin an exploration into the diversity and significance of an integrating postwar European popular culture because she was a microcosm of several broad, transnational trends in postwar Europe including the rise of mass mobility, a major shift in European fashions, new gender constructions, and the explicit politicization of popular culture. Her films, career, lifestyle, and representation(s) provide key axes from which one can pivot into interrelated areas of European culture and societies in this era—pop culture; consumer culture; youth culture; mobility culture; media culture; political culture; and gender relations—demonstrating a widely integrating European popular cultural sphere. Within this context, Bardot was representative of broad postwar societal changes, served as a mass diffusion tool in relating these changes to the people of Europe, and functioned as a driving force in creating new transnational popular cultural forms. In addition, Bardot is a figure useful in understanding the relationship between Europe and the United States, while also demonstrating that economics is not separate from culture and popular culture. The Treaty of Rome, ostensibly about economic integration, further enabled the many circulations apparent in Bardot's career—people, goods, information, and ideas—that were already taking place. Furthermore, popular culture was not irrelevant to, or separate from politics and it helps to explain how the escapism and narcissism of European popular consumer culture could generate a rebellious, but sophisticated political consciousness. Western Europe does indeed have a distinct history of shared popular culture, which should be a factor in discussions of ‘Europeanization’ and the legitimacy of the European Union. It is necessary to explore the roots of this shared popular culture so that it does one day form the basis of a longstanding shared popular culture and can become a recognized element supporting the legitimacy of identities in the European Union in more fluid, dynamic ways.

The diploma thesis analyses the development of foreign trade of the Czech Republic during last two decades in the context of participation in the European economic integration. The most important economic changes in the time of transformation are described in the first chapter. The following chapters analyse in detail the territorial and commodity structure of Czech foreign trade during 90's and especially after the year 2000. The last phase deals with changes in foreign trade policy of the country after the integration to EU and their impact on trade towards particular groups of states.

Nation State vs. European Integration: Specific Approach of the Kingdom of Denmark ------------------------------------ The doctoral thesis analyses specific approach of Denmark to the European integration process, with focus on the analysis of the public opinion, operationalised by the concept of public euroscepticism. Firstly, the thesis strives do define convenient model of typology of public euroscepticism, able to describe its intensity and different forms. Secondly, case study of Denmark as a pure example of a small nation state is applied to this model. Firstly, the case study describes basic pillars of the Danish society, as the perception of the nation state, economic model of the welfare state, political system etc. Furthermore it analyses political and public debates before the "European" referendums and in relation to other milestones and priorities of the Danish EC/EU membership. Special attention is given to the analysis of Danish opt-outs of the Treaty of Maastricht, its causes, consequences and future. The outcomes of the analysis are used together with Eurobarometer surveys to define the typology of Danish public euroscepticism and its development. It is characterized as soft and sovereignty-based with decreasing tendency. It is true to say that especially the perception of the state sovereignty and national identity within Denmark, i.e. other small nation states, as a consequence of the nation state concept, is one of the main factors influencing its approach to the European integration quite significantly.

The aim of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the construction of identity in relation to European integration and to discover how identities are constructed in relation to each other. The paper will therefore answer the question: ‘How can we understand the identity constructions in Wales during the political changes of Brexit, and what do these constructions reveal about the effects of European integration’. The EU advocates being ‘united in diversity’. This statement provides direction for this research, as it allows for a discussion of how various identities relate to each other. The paper will look into the political discourse of the Welsh government by applying Critical Discourse Analysis. By examining the speeches of Assembly Members, an analysis can be given of the construction of identity in the political debate in Wales. Consequently, it will look at the effects of European integration on identity construction. The analysed discourse illustrates the importance of national identity in the debate and the rather weak constructions of European identity. It also depicts that even though European integration is an important topic in the political discourse, its influence on identity construction is not strongly established. There are multiple actors that exert influence in Wales. Though, the most important is the interaction between Wales and England. The dividing factor in regards of identity construction is thus not in relation to the EU, but in relation to governance in the UK. The framework of multi-level governance in the UK is therefore an important factor in the construction of identity. The analysis indicates that even though European integration is fundamental for the development of regions such as Wales, national heritage and culture are still the most predominant in the construction of identity.

European fiscal integration in euro absentia. Budgetary compliance as a step stone to a fiscal union Author: Ștefania-Felicia Pavel Student ID: 31195144 Degree: Erasmus Mundus Joint Master Programme European Politics and Society Supervisor: Mitchell Young, PhD. Institution: Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences Institute of International Studies Submission: June 2020 Defence: September 2020 English abstract This research investigates fiscal convergence via disciplined budgets in non-euro Member States. The thesis hypothesizes that 1) post-2010 enhanced macroeconomic governance is conducive to a fiscal union and 2) fiscal stance of non-euro Member States is not correlated with their attitude to euro adoption. The fiscal convergence in euro absentia is dually tested through theory application and intensive case studies. The results show that countries can be fiscally compliant, but reject the euro or be euro enthusiast, yet fiscally deviant. Thus, the single currency can be either backstop or driver of more integration, nonetheless, European integration continues. The findings substantiate the proposition that a fiscal union is building up even in euro absentia.

The master's thesis deals with the Social Policy of the European Union, its development and current trends. Approaching the process the Social policy at the European level has undergone such directions managed its integration, and what has remained the exclusive competence of the individual Member States. The aim of the paper is a summary of developments up to the present, whether the European Union is to acquire competence in this field, which belonged for a long time largely outside the integration process. The second objective is to analyze whether the European Union sets achievable goals in the field of Social Policy. The analysis is primarily focused on the two most recent strategies, namely the Lisbon Strategy (from 2000 - 2010) and the current strategy Europe 2020 (term 2010 - 2020). These particular cases were selected because European Union has set clear objectives for which it is easy to point out whether they were accomplished or not. The results of the analysis is that the EU has done in the Social Policy field a great achievements, but often sets very ambitious goals, which is not currently able to provide. Social policy has remained in the control of national states, but the Commission has managed, at least partly, to coordinate the processes and practices that each Member State has...