Bien que n'ayant ni les mêmes résultats ni les mêmes traditions en matière de protection sociale, la France, l'Espagne et les Pays-Bas ont tous mis en œuvre des réformes d'« activation » de leurs politiques sociales dans les années 2000. Ces réformes ont-elles été guidées par des objectifs et des attendus comparables ? « L'activation » a-t-elle eu des effets similaires sur les systèmes de protection sociale ? S'ils sont similaires, les changements communs peuvent-ils être imputés à des facteurs communs ? La thèse traite ces trois questions principales en adoptant une approche théorique et méthodologique attentive aux facteurs sociaux et cognitifs du changement en matière de politiques sociales. En croisant l'étude des dispositifs publics et des textes officiels avec des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés dans quatre pays et à plusieurs niveaux de gouvernement (n=71), l'analyse comparée des réformes sociales « actives » permet de tirer deux conclusions principales : les cadres cognitifs, les instruments et les objectifs des politiques sociales tendent à se rapprocher sous l'effet des réformes d'« activation » menées dans les années 2000 en France en Espagne et aux Pays-Bas, et cette convergence a été favorisée par des mécanismes communautaires mis en œuvre dans le cadre de la Stratégie Européenne pour l'Emploi. / L'auteur n'a pas fourni de résumé en anglais.

Britain's attitude towards the European integration has been an uneasy one since its' inception and it thus represents one of the spheres of British politics that has attracted the most attention and that has been one of the most divisive issues of the domestic politics. The British attitude has however responded to the dynamical development of the political integration in Europe. The aim of the thesis is to assess Britain's attitude towards the political integration in Europe and to prove that, despite its dynamical development, the elements of Euroscepticism prevail over the elements of Europeanization. With respect to the aim, the thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one explains the political integration and charts its development and defines the modern concept of Euroscepticism and Europeanization. The second chapter deals with Britain's attitude towards the European integration, its historical background and its development immediately after the Second World War. Substantial part of the chapter is devoted to the analysis of the British attitude towards the milestones of the political integration. The final chapter looks at the stance of the governments of Tony Blair and the current Conservative-led coalition on the political integration and compares them so as to study its development.

<p>This dissertation explores the transformation of the industrial relations regime in Sweden during the 1990s. Four areas are studied; industrial relations of the growing service sector, industrial relations of small enterprises, effects of re-regulation and introduction of competition on industrial relations in telecommunications service and internationalisation of industrial relations in the metal sector, showing that in the 1990s, the labour market regime of Sweden changed into a new regime, as a result of altered conditions caused by the third industrial revolution. The changes took place within a certain context and were governed by a strong path dependence. The internationalisation or Europeanization of the economy, foremost the upsurge in ingoing foreign direct investments, increased the Swedish industry’s dependence on non-national actors and economy. The employers and the trade unions had strong incentives to come to an agreement (the Industrial Agreement in 1997), to achieve international competitiveness. The increasing dependence on (Western/European) trade and investments caused additional adjustments of industrial relations. The Europeanization of the political decision making process (EU membership) had also an impact, to which was added liberalisation, abandoning monopolies etc, but the effect were not as substantial as that of (economic) internationalisation.</p>

This dissertation explores the transformation of the industrial relations regime in Sweden during the 1990s. Four areas are studied; industrial relations of the growing service sector, industrial relations of small enterprises, effects of re-regulation and introduction of competition on industrial relations in telecommunications service and internationalisation of industrial relations in the metal sector, showing that in the 1990s, the labour market regime of Sweden changed into a new regime, as a result of altered conditions caused by the third industrial revolution. The changes took place within a certain context and were governed by a strong path dependence. The internationalisation or Europeanization of the economy, foremost the upsurge in ingoing foreign direct investments, increased the Swedish industry’s dependence on non-national actors and economy. The employers and the trade unions had strong incentives to come to an agreement (the Industrial Agreement in 1997), to achieve international competitiveness. The increasing dependence on (Western/European) trade and investments caused additional adjustments of industrial relations. The Europeanization of the political decision making process (EU membership) had also an impact, to which was added liberalisation, abandoning monopolies etc, but the effect were not as substantial as that of (economic) internationalisation.

How did the Swedish towns compare to the surrounding world during the late Middle Ages concerning town organization and political culture? Previous research has claimed a strong German influence on the Swedish town life, but in this dissertation the Europeanization is being put forward as the explanatory factor for the extensive international similarities that can be identified during the Middle Ages. The towns were part of an international town culture that was highly integrated. Differences between towns are foremost analysed as a result of different local conditions such as population size, social structure and relationship to the town lord. Since preserved sources from all towns of medieval Sweden (including Finland) have been examined in a joint study and been placed in a wider context, the dissertation presents renewed and deepened knowledge about the Swedish towns. The study includes Danish, English and German towns and thus compares regions with each other that rarely have been compared before, and thereby presents new perspectives on each respective area. The aspects of the organization that are being systematically compared are the creation of councils, the number of aldermen and mayors, the rotation of offices and functions of the town lords, bailiffs, councils, mayors and chamberlains. Regarding political culture, it is investigated how the councils expressed their group cohesiveness and power in the town and how they defined the border between themselves and the town population. Furthermore, the expectations the town populations placed on the officials and their perception of their own part in the rule of the town is being examined. Finally, the political interaction between council and town population in different towns is compared and analysed.

This thesis aims to shed light upon three related research areas with the medieval period at their core: medieval Europeanization, the historiography of medieval places, the importance of the cultural environment and medieval period for the present day. By these means several current research angles are integrated within medieval research, the history of science and cultural heritage research. Six investigations of medieval central places in Ångermanland and Medelpad in northern Sweden are used to exemplify these issues. The use of hermeneutic theory emphasises the relationship between the present day community, the individual and the interpretation of history. The sites presented in the thesis represent the entire medieval period from the 11th Century to the start of the 16th Century. Two of them – Kvissle chapel and “Skelettåkern” (=The Skeleton Field) in Björned – functioned as private Christian churches or graveyards; two were important harbours – Sankt Olofshamn (=Saint Olof’s Harbour) and Kyrkesviken (=Church bay); two functioned as military castles or fortifications – Styresholm/ ”Pukeborg” and Bjärtrå stronghold. In addition to these, four medieval stone parish churches have been examined: the old church at Alnö in Medelpad, and the churches of Torsåker, Boteå and Grundsunda in Ångermanland. The Europeanization of Norrland is discussed with reference to aspects such as religious transition and parish formation, monetarization and changes in household structure, trade specialization and administrative territorialization. Central places have played an important role in this process. Historiography illuminates how, and in which contexts, knowledge and understanding of history and medieval central places has developed and been communicated. This includes the use of place names and the oral narration of history, authorship and scientific research into local history. A number of primary school teachers, adult education college (‘folk high school’) teachers and priests were particularly important for the growth of local historical research around the turn of the 20th century. The use of cultural heritage is illustrated with a discussion of how the medieval cultural environments in Ångermanland and Medelpad have been interpreted and used in recent years. This includes aspects such as signposting, teaching and research activities, mass media attention, amateur history plays and similar performances, and the formation of various types of society. These three aspects of Norrland’s medieval period, together with the use of a cultural heritage perspective, form a broader holistic picture of the social role of scientific research and the cultural environment, where local interest in history is important for regional development.

Why has not Britain joined euro until now? This is an attractive issue. The purpose of this paper is to realize the real reasons. Hence, this paper analyzes the euro policies of Thatcher Government, Major Government and Blair Government. Before interpreting British euro policies, this paper explains the process of British EU membership. In addition, this paper introduces the story of EMU which is relative to euro. Most importantly, here this paper takes ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework as a study tool to examine British euro policies. Through ¡§Europeanization¡¨ framework, this paper proposes many factors affecting British euro policies, including ¡§goodness of fit,¡¨ ¡¨veto players,¡¨ ¡§timing,¡¨ ¡¨political beliefs and organizational cultures,¡¨ ¡§the costs of institution changing¡¨ and so on. Thus, this paper concludes that Britain hasn¡¦t joined euro until now owing to many factors.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

In the 2003 Treaty of Accession, the signatories agreed that all New Member States (NMS) that joined the European Union (EU) in 2004, would adopt the euro, even if no timetable was provided. Why have some NMS not been able to join the euro area even if they made serious attempts at the outset? What are the circumstances and policies in these countries that have led them not yet to adopt the euro? Has it been lack of political will on the part of the government, a strong voice in the opposition, a euroskeptic president, insufficient administrative capacity, or lack of policy learning? Though there is no consensus among economists as to whether or not adopting the euro in the short run is a good idea, an economic cost-benefit analysis would suggest that in the long run euro adoption is positive for NMS. Yet, macroeconomic analyses cannot explain the change in government policies that may lead to euro adoption. Political scientists have typically focused on collective identity, policy learning, ideas and knowledge transfer among central bankers and other political elites, as well as adjustment to global pressures and Europeanization. This political science literature is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation as to why the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland have not adopted the euro yet. I argue that the role of domestic politics is key to explaining the process of euro adoption in Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland: government policies, elections, electoral cycles as well as constitutional rules, veto points, central banks, public opinion and the media turn out to be crucial in explaining the lagging euro adoption process in these countries. / Graduate

This thesis analyzes the impact of Europeanization on domestic policy structures in states which are not European Union (EU) members within the framework of asylum and refugee policies. It focuses on the influence of Europeanization during Turkey&amp / #8217 / s pre-accession process to the EU after 1999. This thesis has three main goals. The first one is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics behind Europeanization of asylum and refugee policies. The second goal is to highlight the institutional, administrative and ideational environment in which these policies take place. Finally, it aims to analyze how the dynamics of European integration through legislative harmonization creates systemic transformation in domestic governance systems in the EU candidate countries in their pre-accession process.