Dans cette étude nous proposons un parallèle entre le Brésil et la France, avec un focus sur les différences et ressemblances des enjeux au sein des deux sociétés, en ce qui concerne l’action sociale et ses formes d’expression dans le champ religieux. Cette question sera illustrée par l’étude des activités développées au sein de l’organisation missionnaire de tendance évangélique charismatique Youth With a Mission (YWAM), crée en 1960 par Loren Cunningham aux États-Unis et implantée dans les deux pays. Au travers d’un ensemble d’entretiens et d’une enquête comparative observant les dynamiques personnelles des missionnaires et les actions prosélytes parachurch, l’objectif est de comprendre la situation dans laquelle ces pays se trouvent aujourd’hui en fonction des stratégies prosélytistes intégrées au travail social. Nous nous sommes concentré sur l’analyse du rôle des acteurs évangéliques de YWAM, en tant qu’acteurs associatifs et partenaires dans le domaine de l’action sociale au sein d’États dans lesquels l’État Providence et la conception de la laïcité différent. Nous démontrerons que le choix de la politique sociale appliquée et les éléments qui ressortent de ce système sur les résultats pratiques du cadre de vie des populations des deux pays jouent un rôle sur la manière dont s’exprime la religion et se comportent ses membres, comme dans les moyens d’évangélisation et d’entraide. Dans cette dynamique, nous verrons les implications des actions menées par l’organisation, les effets produits par une « collaboration » entre le religieux et la sphère sociale, et sa rencontre avec la logique des dispositifs juridico-administratifs français et brésilien. Nous explorerons quelques pistes sur les nouvelles formes de sociabilité qui se sont présentées en termes religieux, de manières d’agir et de communiquer. Au-delà du domaine socio-politique, la thèse s’intéresse aussi à la compréhension de l’insertion des jeunes dans les institutions religieuses en tant que professionnels de la foi, quittant un style de vie ordinaire pour un engagement religieux. Notre objectif est de comprendre qui sont ces jeunes, leurs historiques familiaux, leur trajectoires personnelles et comment cette nouvelle vie est perçue et vécue à travers leurs motivations. / This research presents a comparative study of aspects of social action and forms of expression within the religious field within Brazil and France. The study focuses on the activities of Youth With a Mission (YWAM), an evangelical charismatic missionary organisation founded in the United States by Loren Cunningham in 1960 and now present in both France and Brazil. Through interviews and comparative observations of the interpersonal dynamics and parachurch proselytizing actions of the missionaries, the aim of the study is to understand the relative impact of the country contexts on the proselytizing strategies of the organisation within its social work. We also analyse the role of the YWAM as social actors and state partners in the social sector, comparing the differing country context of secularism and the welfare state. In this analysis, we consider the issue of public-private collaboration produced by the convergence between YWAM's actions and the distinct legal-administrative contexts in Brazil and France. How do these convergences create innovative forms of social interactions, in terms of religion, social action, and communication? Beyond the socio-political domain, this thesis aims to study the immersion of youths within religious institutions as faith professionals by leaving an ordinary life for a religious commitment. The research analyses who these youths are, and how their family backgrounds and personal trajectories have motivated them to adopt this mode of life.

[pt] Nos últimos anos, o fenômeno religioso voltou a ter presença pública no Uruguai, apesar do processo de inspiração jacobina de separação entre religião e Estado que se deu a partir do final do século XIX e teve seu ápice nas primeiras décadas do século XX. A sociedade menos religiosa da América Latina (que apresenta índices similares a alguns países europeus) e que viveu um forte processo de secularização que deslocou a religião majoritariamente para o âmbito da vida privada está mudando. Ou ao menos, está passando por uma revisão daquele que é tido como seu caráter distintivo: a laicidade de seu povo e de suas instituições estatais. Defendendo uma incidência maior na esfera pública e na política institucional, líderes evangélicos ligados a diversas organizações religiosas afirmam ser necessário defender valores que não estão sendo representados pelos atuais legisladores e tampouco pelo Estado nacional. Animada a participar da política parlamentar em reação à chamada agenda de direitos – é dizer, a regulamentação do aborto, do consumo de maconha, e também do casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo – parte da liderança evangélica uruguaia realizou uma substancial mudança de paradigma ao decidir influenciar a política a partir de sua compreensão cristã de mundo e ao abandonar a perspectiva laica que restringia ao âmbito privado a atuação religiosa. Como em outras partes, o discurso desses atores religiosos defende o retorno à esfera privada de temas que hoje, inclusive no Uruguai, são compreendidos como direitos e debatidos a partir de uma moralidade laica. Chama atenção o desenrolar desse processo em um país que realizou, de modo precoce e radical, a transferência para o Estado e a universalização de funções antes concernentes às famílias e aos grupos religiosos. Esta tese, fruto de pesquisa empírica realizada no Uruguai entre novembro de 2018 e abril de 2019, apresenta as percepções dessa nova liderança evangélica acerca das relações entre religião, moralidade e Estado e propõe uma reflexão sobre os dilemas que sua prática política suscita naquela que é considerada a democracia mais estável da América Latina. A partir da análise desse caso particular (marcado pela racionalização moderna do espaço da política e da assistência social), esse trabalho procura refletir sobre a demanda contemporânea de alargamento da experiência política moderna e a consequente revisão do conceito de laicidade. Essas mudanças, por centrais para o estabelecimento de um pacto de convivência social, dizem respeito a todas as democracias, especialmente às latino-americanas tão marcadas pelo fenômeno religioso. / [en] In recent years, the religious phenomenon has returned to the public sphere in Uruguay, despite the Jacobin-inspired process of separation between religion and Modern State that took place from the end of the 19th century and had its peak in the first decades of the 20th century. The least religious society in Latin America (which has similar rates to some European countries), and which has undergone a radical process of secularization that has shifted religion mostly to the sphere of private life, is changing. Or at least, it is undergoing a review of what is considered to be its distinctive character: the secularity of its people and its state institutions. Defending a greater religious incidence in the public sphere and in institutional politics, evangelical leaders linked to various religious organizations say that it is necessary to stand up for values that are not being represented by current legislators or by the national State. Animated to participate in parliamentary policy in reaction to the so-called rights agenda - that is, the regulation of abortion, marijuana use, as well as same-sex marriage - part of the Uruguayan evangelical leadership made a substantial paradigm shift in deciding to influence politics from its Christian worldview and by abandoning the secular perspective that restricted religious activity to the private sphere. As in other parts, the discourse of these religious actors defends the return to privacy of themes that today, including in Uruguay, are understood as rights and debated based on secular morality. It is noteworthy that the development of this process occurred in a country that carried out, early and radically, the transference to the State and the universalization of functions previously concerning families and religious groups. This thesis, the result of empirical research carried out in Uruguay between November 2018 and April 2019, presents the perceptions of this new evangelical leadership regarding the relations between religion, morality, and the State and proposes a reflection on the dilemmas that its political practice raises in that which is considered the most stable democracy in Latin America. Based on the analysis of this particular case (marked by the modern rationalization of the space of politics and social assistance), this work seeks to reflect on the contemporary demand for extending the modern political experience and the consequent revision of the concept of secularity. These changes, which are central to the establishment of a social coexistence pact, concern all democracies, especially Latin American ones marked by the religious phenomenon.

Religiously conservative Americans consistently demonstrate lower scientific literacy than other Americans. Some argue, however, that Americans’ scientific literacy is contingent on subcultural conflict, showing differences in scientific literacy that emerge only on religiously contested scientific claims. Building on these insights, we find that the most salient factor explaining Americans’ divergence on contested (though not on uncontested) scientific claims is not religious commitment or conservatism per se, but an ideology that seeks political—and consequently epistemic—dominance: Christian nationalism. National data show that Christian nationalism is unassociated with Americans’ answers on questions about uncontested scientific knowledge. However, Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor of incorrect answers on questions about religiously contested scientific claims. Contemporary “culture war” debates over science have little to do with outright ignorance of science, nor are they strictly about religiosity or theological conservatism. Rather, disputes over science and religion reflect politically motivated denials of scientific facts that threaten Christian nationalism’s claims to epistemic and cultural authority.

No description available.

<p>As evangelicals living in Canada, we are tasked with finding a way to faithfully live out the calling of the church in our North American context. Yet as we try to do this, we are regularly faced with the cultural reality of individualism and are often influenced by it in ways that we do not fully understand. This thesis will suggest that the integration of individualism in the Western evangelical church is having a detrimental effect on our ability to create or maintain Biblical community. This thesis will examine the issue of individualism as it relates to Christian community through interviews with 15 evangelical laypersons and pastors. This thesis will also employ secondary sources in the analysis of these interviews, engaging them in dialogue with some classic and contemporary theologians of the church.</p> / Master of Divinity (M.Div)

Over the past fifty years, Christian contemporary music has joined hymnody and psalmody as a major form of evangelical liturgical and devotional song. While the production and content of this genre have been explored by scholars, few studies have attended to the devotional use of the genre and its role in shaping the religious lives of American evangelicals. This project draws from several sets of data to address this matter: analysis of church-created worship music albums, listener testimonials on Christian radio websites, and focus group interviews of laity and clergy at four South Carolina churches. The data revealed that music is significant to their religious lives outside of church as a means of encountering God, managing emotions, and displaying spiritual capital. Inside churches, the music is used to create a sense of corporate identity that reinforces social bonds within the community and attracts newcomers. Drawing on the methodological framework of Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice and his work on social distinction, I argue that American evangelicals who listen to Christian contemporary music are engaged in aural piety, a set of practices, attitudes, and ideas invested in music that structure and evoke the experience of the sacred. / Religion

Many evangelical Christians distance themselves from the mainstream commercial culture, because they perceive mainstream media and popular culture to promulgate immoral messages through representations such as sex and violence. This disconnect from Hollywood have made evangelicals a tough audience to market. Sony, however, has been able to connect with the evangelical market by producing a line of contemporary Christian films through their in-house division Affirm Films. By prioritizing the narratives of their films Heaven is for Real, War Room, and Miracles From Heaven to focus on contemporary Christian characters, conflicts, and settings, Sony is able to attract the evangelical audience with films that align with their conservative belief system.

A presente dissertação é uma análise do programa de televisão Vitória em Cristo e sua estratégia de mesclar proselitismo religioso e discurso político através das orientações transmitidas durante o período da campanha eleitoral de 2014 pelo apresentador Silas Malafaia. A inserção da religião na esfera pública é examinada a partir da atualização do conceito de espaço público segundo o paradigma teórico do telespaço público e da instância da imagem ao vivo conforme elaborados por Eugênio Bucci (2002). Essa perspectiva teórica pensa a interação no espaço público através da imagem. Por isso, propõe que o espaço público contemporaneo só pode existir como telespaço público. Complementarmente, esta pesquisa utiliza procedimentos da Grounded Theory (GT) para a elaboração das categorias de análise, construídas pela seleção e pelo tratamento dos dados extraídos das orientações políticas. O estudo revela que a evangelização via televisão se mistura à pregação política na combinação dos papéis incorporados pelo apresentador-pastor, que ocupa a posição do \"profeta\" e milita em prol da aspiração dos evangélicos à participação no poder político. / This thesis provides an analysis of the television show Vitória em Cristo and its strategy to mix proselytism and political discourse through guidance provided by the host of the show, Silas Malafaia, during the electoral period of 2014. The presence of religion in the public sphere is examined from the theoretical standpoint of the public space and its contemporary version the public telespace, inaugurated by the instance of the live image according to Eugênio Bucci (2002). This theoretical perspective thinks the interaction in the public space as an interaction through images.Therefore, it suggests that the contemporary public space can only exist as a public telespace. In addition, this research utilizes the Grounded Theory methodological procedures to elaborate the categories of analysis, which were structured as a result of the selction and treatment of data extracted from the political guidance provided by the host.This research shows that the evangelization through television is mixed with political preaching through the combination of roles incorporated by the pastor-host who takes the place of the \"prophet\" and militates on behalf of the evangelicals\' aspirations to take part in the political power.

A pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o intuito de compreender um pouco da inserção dos evangélicos nas instituições políticas brasileiras, em uma tentativa de articular tal fenômeno com o debate sobre a representação partidária. Por que um \"Partido Evangélico\" não foi formado, embora tal grupo eleja uma quantidade expressiva de representantes em grande parte das eleições desde a última Constituinte? O trabalho empírico consistiu no teste da hipótese de inexistência de uma identidade entre os evangélicos que justificasse o fato de um partido político não ter sido criado. Através de um conjunto de dados sobre os eleitores e outro sobre os deputados estaduais de todo o país, não foi observada a presença de posicionamentos distintos, de uma identidade política que tornasse, tanto os eleitores quanto os deputados evangélicos singulares, diferenciados dos demais grupos. Também foi constatada a fragilidade do modelo de formação de partidos a partir de identidades políticas no caso brasileiro, caracterizado pela alta fragmentação partidária e por uma falta de distinção na maioria dos partidos. / This research was developed with the purpose of understanding the insertion of the evangelicals in the Brazilian political institutions, an attempt to articulate such phenomena with the debate on the partisan representation. It\'s puzzling that an \"Evangelical Party\" was not formed even after the expressive amount of elected representatives this group has had since the last Constituent Assembly. Why is it so? The empirical work consisted in testing the hypothesis that there is no common identity among the various evangelical groups that would justify the existence of a political party. Through a data set of the voters and another one of the representatives of the whole country, the presence of distinct positions was not observed. There isn\'t a political identity that would turn the evangelical voters and representatives distinguished from the others groups. This work also evidenced the fragility of the political parties\' formation model based on identities. In the Brazilian case, this is characterized by a high partisan fragmentation and a lack of distinction between most of the many political parties.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-12-02T12:37:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriano Henriques Machado.pdf: 2735275 bytes, checksum: 656ad4fe588d5d046ce0211399532d86 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-02T12:37:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriano Henriques Machado.pdf: 2735275 bytes, checksum: 656ad4fe588d5d046ce0211399532d86 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper analyzes the political activities of Evangelicals, the "awakening" lived for them in strong effervescence period in the early 1960s, as well as their positions, disputes and tensions across the civil-military coup of 1964 and before the authoritarian regime to the year 1976, with special attention to the conservative offensive in this context emerged as a reaction to engagement proposals and political participation of churches in "Brazilian reality". The study focuses its analysis on the trajectory of two evangelical groups: the Methodist Church of Brazil (IMB) and the Baptists linked to the Brazilian Baptist Convention (CBB); having as main source journals produced by these names, in particular its two official bodies, respectively Expositor Cristão (EC) and O Jornal Batista (OJB). In order to broaden the understanding of their positions forward to change processes, continuities and ruptures occurred in the sociopolitical sphere, built on the dynamics of tensions and infighting of the two denominations, the relationship between them and the other evangelical groups, was used also the following publications: 1) the magazines produced by the youth of these churches, the Cruz de Malta (CM) and the Juventude Batista (JB); 2) periodic connected to the ecumenical movement groups, especially Boletim Ecumenical Information Centre (CEI) and Cristianismo newspaper; 3) other than those arising in the period after the coup, as Brasil Batista and Cristianismo Hoje. In consultation with the internal documentation of Churches, the Convention its Proceedings, conferences and congresses have also helped to discuss and understand the dynamics of political and ecclesiastical life of these institutions. The thesis is organized around two parts: the first, which includes the early 1960s and has as focus of analysis the growth process of the sectors that defended the "awakening" of the evangelical for participation in socio-political issues, including the how they were articulated and established relationships with other groups and on the proposals and ideologies that were on the political agenda of that period; and a second, which examines how evangelicals positioned themselves before the military regime, with a view to re-articulation of forces occurred in this segment, which made the reactionary-conservative groups, favored by authoritarian climate of the time, initiate an offensive for control political ideology of produced periodicals, as well as the spaces and internal structures of these institutions / O presente trabalho analisa a atuação política dos evangélicos, o “despertamento” vivido por eles no período de forte efervescência no início dos anos 1960, bem como seus posicionamentos, disputas e tensões frente ao golpe civil-militar de 1964 e diante do regime autoritário até o ano de 1976, com especial atenção à ofensiva conservadora emergida nesse contexto como reação às propostas de engajamento e participação política das Igrejas na “realidade brasileira”. O estudo centra sua análise na trajetória de dois grupos evangélicos: a Igreja Metodista do Brasil (IMB) e os batistas ligados à Convenção Batista Brasileira (CBB); tendo como fonte privilegiada os periódicos produzidos por essas denominações, em especial seus dois órgãos oficiais, respectivamente o Expositor Cristão (EC) e O Jornal Batista (OJB). A fim de ampliar a compreensão sobre seus posicionamentos frente aos processos de mudanças, permanências e rupturas ocorridas na esfera sociopolítica, construídos na dinâmica das tensões e disputas internas das duas denominações, na relação entre elas e com os demais grupos evangélicos, utilizou-se também as seguintes publicações: 1) as revistas produzidas pela juventude dessas Igrejas, a Cruz de Malta (CM) e a Juventude Batista (JB); 2) os periódicos ligados aos grupos do movimento ecumênico, com destaque para o Boletim do Centro Ecumênico de Informação (CEI) e o jornal Cristianismo; 3) além daqueles surgidos no período posterior ao golpe, como Brasil Batista e Cristianismo Hoje. Na consulta à documentação interna das Igrejas, os Anais de suas Convenções, Concílios e Congressos também ajudaram a discutir e compreender a dinâmica da vida político-eclesiástica dessas instituições. A tese organiza-se em torno de duas partes: uma primeira, que abarca o início dos anos 1960 e tem como foco de análise o processo de crescimento dos setores que defendiam o “despertamento” dos evangélicos para a participação nas problemáticas sociopolíticas, compreendendo a forma como os mesmos se articularam e estabeleceram relações com os demais grupos e diante das propostas e ideologias que estavam na pauta política daquele período; e uma segunda, que analisa como os evangélicos se posicionaram diante do regime militar, tendo em vista a rearticulação de forças ocorrida nesse segmento, o que fez com que os grupos reacionários-conservadores, favorecidos pela conjuntura autoritária da época, iniciassem uma ofensiva pelo controle político-ideológico dos periódicos produzidos, bem como dos espaços e estruturas internas dessas instituições