Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed January 6, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Embargoed until 12/1/2010. Includes bibliographical references (p. 278-292).

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-03-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:02:19Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 santos_r_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1277186 bytes, checksum: dfcfdd72588ffe81e0424efbaaff6967 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta tese analisa o processo decisório da Comissão Mista de Planos, Orçamentos Públicos e Fiscalização sobre as Medidas Provisórias de Auxílios Financeiros para os Estados e Municípios exportadores entre 2006 e 2010. Destaca-se a importância do Senado como orientador decisório para os impasses políticos existentes nas aprovações das Medidas Provisórias de Auxílio Financeiro. A partir dos fundamentos federalistas do Senado, os partidos e as lideranças estabelecem maior coesão e racionalidade ao processo decisório. Enfatiza-se, assim, a importância dos partidos e das lideranças no processo decisório orçamentário, garantindo a capacidade governativa necessária para o Poder Executivo. O arranjo representativo federativo é observado diante de suas limitações e de suas possibilidades e do melhor entendimento sobre o presidencialismo de coalizão multipartidário. Conclui-se que o Senado é uma importante instância decisória e exerce um papel diferenciado na orientação das políticas de auxílio financeiro / This doctoral thesis examines the decision making process of Mixed Committee of Plans, Public Budgets and Supervision about Provisional Measures of Financial Aid to States and Municipalities exporters between 2006 and 2010. We emphasize the importance of the Senate as a decision making mentor to the political deadlock in the approval of the Provisional Measures of Financial Aid. From the Federalist foundations of the Senate, parties and leaders provide greater cohesion and rationality to the decision-making process. Therefore, we emphasize the importance of parties and leaders in the budgetary decision making process, ensuring the necessary capability of government to the Executive Power. The federal representative arrangement is observed in its limitations and possibilities; we highlight the need to improve the understanding about the Brazilian multiparty coalition presidentialism. We concluded that the Senate is an important decision-maker and it exercises a distinct role in guiding about financial aid policies

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A elaboração dessa tese tem por finalidade contribuir para a discussão sobre o modelo de carreira política que vem se desenvolvendo no Brasil. O objetivo do trabalho é compreender a sua construção a partir da apreensão da lógica da tomada de decisão do legislador brasileiro na definição de sua trajetória profissional. Para isso, o estudo procurou estabelecer as motivações dos membros da Câmara dos Deputados diante das opções de carreira que se apresentam, no sentido de permanecer ou não na arena legislativa. A questão analisada é se a instituição está oferecendo atrativos aos seus membros para sua permanência, ou se estes estão alocados em outras instâncias. A hipótese-teste é a de que o Poder Executivo tem atraído os membros do Legislativo, desenhando um padrão de carreira política no qual as arenas se intercalariam Executivo e Legislativo assim como as esferas federal, estadual e municipal. A tese está estruturada em uma revisão das literaturas estrangeira e brasileira sobre carreira política, apresentando também um exame dos modelos de recrutamento e permanência na carreira parlamentar. São consideradas as influências de dois elementos estruturais da lógica política no Brasil. O primeiro é a estrutura federativa adotada no país a partir da Constituição de 1988 e o segundo é o seu sistema eleitoral e partidário, sobretudo o papel dos partidos políticos e do tipo de recrutamento de candidatos na adoção das estratégias de carreira de seus representantes. Procura-se entender o modo pelo qual o quadro criado pela conjunção dessas características gera, viabiliza ou impede a construção das carreiras políticas no Brasil e das ambições que as determinam. Os dados coletados na pesquisa compreendem as eleições para a Câmara dos Deputados e para a Prefeitura em todos os municípios do Brasil ocorridas nos últimos 20 anos. São analisadas as trajetórias prévias e futuras dos deputados federais que, durante o mandato, se candidataram ao cargo de Prefeito. A premissa aqui utilizada vem da visão de que sair do Parlamento pode ser a melhor estratégia − do ponto de vista eleitoral − para a ele poder retornar e a melhor estratégia para aqueles que desejam prosseguir em suas carreiras com maior segurança. E obter cargos junto ao Executivo pode dar acesso a recursos que não estão disponíveis aos parlamentares. / The execution of this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the model of a political career that has currently been developed in Brazil. The objective is to understand this construction from the grasp of the logic behind the Brazilian legislators decision-making about the definition of his career. For this purpose the study sought to establish the motivations of members of the House of Representatives behind the definition of the presented career options in order to remain or not in the legislative arena. The question analyzed is whether the institution is offering its members an appeal to remain, or if they are located elsewhere. The hypothesis is that the Executive has proven an effect of attraction on the members of the Legislature, drawing a pattern of political career in which the legislative and executive arenas are interspersed, as well as federal, state and municipal levels. The thesis is structured in a literature review about foreign and Brazilian political career, with a detailed analysis of models of recruitment and retention in parliamentary career. The influence of two structural elements of the political logic in Brazil is considered. The first one is the federal structure adopted by the country since the Constitution of 1988, and the second one is its electoral system and party, especially the role of political parties and the type of candidates recruitment in the adoption of their representatives career strategies. The aim is to understand the way the framework created by the combination of these characteristics determines, enables or prevents the construction of political careers in Brazil and their ambitions. The data collected in the survey include the elections for the House of Representatives and for the office for Mayor in all municipalities in Brazil happened in the last 20 years. This thesis analyzes the prior and future trajectories of deputies who apply for the office of Mayor during the mandate. The assumption used in this work comes from the idea that leaving the Parliament may be the best strategy to return to it, according to the electoral point of view , and the best strategy for those who wish to continue on their careers with greater security. And get positions in the Executive can provide access to resources that are not available to parliamentarians.

Orientador: Ligia Maria Osorio Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T00:34:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Braga_SergioSoares_D.pdf: 2924707 bytes, checksum: 9534ac0d4835ad07c90e220628eb15b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é analisar as relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo no período 1946-1964, concentrando-se no papel do parlamento no processo deliberativo sobre a política econômica. Para tanto, procuraremos efetuar um estudo sistemático de três dimensões do processo decisório e das relações entre o Executivo e o Legislativo no período: (1) um estudo de caso da elaboração dos dispositivos do título "Da Ordem Econômica e Social" da Constituição de 1946; (2) a análise agregada da produção legal do período 1946-1964, onde examinaremos o universo dos projetos de lei apresentados, bem como das leis aprovadas nesta etapa democrática, procurando caracterizar o padrão de sugestão e aprovação de leis por ator relevante ao longo dos sucessivos governos. A partir das evidências coletadas através desse exame agregado da produção legal, procuraremos analisar criticamente algumas teses dominantes sobre o papel dos partidos políticos e do parlamento na elaboração da política econômica na primeira experiência de democracia presidencialista pluripartidária no Brasil, procurando demonstrar a hipótese de que a evolução do sistema partidário na época alterou significativamente o padrão de produção legal e de relação entre os poderes no período examinado; (3) Por fim, buscaremos analisar criticamente as teses clássicas de Celso Furtado sobre as relações entre o Legislativo e o processo de desenvolvimento econômico nessa etapa democrática brasileira, a partir do exame agregado da agenda econômica proposta e aprovada em cada um dos governos, procurando demonstrar a tese de que o Legislativo no período não foi um obstáculo ao desenvolvimento econômico em geral mas apenas a alguns aspectos parciais da agenda econômica do Executivo, especialmente aqueles que contrariavam as diretrizes econômico-financeiras fixadas na Carta de 1946, assim como a distribuição de preferências ideológicas predominantes nos partidos majoritários no Congresso Nacional / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative during 1946-1964 period, focusing on the role of the parliament in the deliberative process on economic policy. For that, we make a systematic study of three dimensions of decision making process and the relationship between the Executive and the Legislative during the period: 1) a case study of the elaboration of the title ¿The economic and social order¿ of the Brazilian Constitution of 1946; 2) the aggregate analysis of the legal production during 1946-1964, where the universe of bills submitted was analyzed, as well as laws approved during this democratic age; trying to characterize the standard of suggestions and approval of the laws by relevant political actor over successive governments. From the evidences gathered through this aggregate analysis of this legal production, we seek to examine critically some dominant theories on the role of political parties and the parliament in the development of economic policy during the first experience of multi-party presidential system democracy in Brazil to demonstrate the hypothesis that the development of party system at this time changed significantly the pattern of legal production and relationship between the powers in the period studied; 3) Finally, we analyze critically the classical theories of Celso Furtado about the relationship between the Legislative and the process of economic development during this time of Brazilian democracy / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Desenvolvimento Economico

Le budget est un instrument essentiel à la gestion publique, à travers lequel l’État peut mettre en place les politiques publiques et atteindre ses objectifs. La gestion du budget est orientée par le droit budgétaire, qui détermine, en outre, les compétences des pouvoirs législatif et exécutif dans les étapes du cycle budgétaire : la préparation, l’adoption, l’exécution et le contrôle. La distribution de compétences entre le gouvernement et le Parlement et les interactions entre ces acteurs vis-à-vis du budget déterminent le caractère plus ou moins démocratique du système politique de l’État. La participation du Parlement à la décision financière apparaît non seulement comme essentielle à la démocratie, mais aussi comme une garantie de plus de transparence et d'efficacité des finances publiques.Le Brésil est un pays dont la démocratie a été consolidée récemment, à partir de la Constitution Fédérale de 1988. Depuis la promulgation de ce texte, le droit budgétaire a beaucoup évolué pour prendre en compte une plus grande participation du pouvoir législatif et adopter un modèle plus efficace de gestion publique. Toutefois, les rapports entre les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif restent toujours conflictuels, l’exécutif ayant tendance à se superposer au législatif, y compris et notamment, en ce qui concerne le budget de l’État. L’objectif de cette thèse est donc d’analyser comment les pouvoirs législatif et exécutif interviennent au sein du cycle budgétaire et quelle est la nature des rapports entretenus entre Gouvernement et Parlement dans chaque étape de ce cycle, de façon à appréhender si le pouvoir exécutif domine vraiment la procédure budgétaire, comme il est souvent affirmé, et dans quelle mesure le pouvoir législatif contribue à la prédominance du pouvoir exécutif vis-à-vis du budget de l’État. / Government budget is an essential tool for Public Administration, which needs to make good use of it in order to implement policies and achieve its objectives. Budget management is regulated by budget law, which also determines the roles of the Legislative and Executive branches in the stages of the budget cycle: preparation, approval, execution and control. The distribution of powers between the Government and the Parliament and the interactions between these actors regarding the budget may determine if a given political system is more or less democratic. The Parliament's involvement in financial decisions is not only essential to democracy, but also a guarantee of greater transparency and efficiency in public finances. Brazil is a young democracy, one that has been consolidated only since the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988. From that moment on, Brazilian budget law has substantially evolved, the enhancement of the level of participation of the Legislature Power and the adoption of a more effective governance model being great examples. However, the relationship between the Legislative and Executive branches is still conflicting. The Executive branch has a tendency to overpower the legislature, especially when it comes to the government budget. The aim of this thesis is to analyze how the Legislative and Executive Powers are involved in the budget cycle and what is the kind of relationship that is established between them in each stage of this cycle. These research questions are intended to shed some light on the often-stated argument that the Executive branch dominates the budget process and to assess to which extent is the Legislative Power responsible for such a dominance.

This work examines the legal effects of a declaration of a state of emergency under the Public Safety Act 3 of 1953 and the exercise of legislative and administrative powers pursuant thereto. The general basis of judicial control over executive action and the various devices used to limit or oust the court's jurisdiction are set out and explained. Against this background, the courts' performance of their supervisory role under the special circumstances of emergency rule is critically surveyed and assessed. The legal issues raised by the exercise of emergency powers is examined at the various levels of their deployment: first, the declaration of a state of emergency; second, the making of emergency regulations; third, their execution by means of administrative action, including detention, banning, censorship and the use of force. The major cases concerning emergency issues, both reported and unreported, are analysed in their appropriate contexts, and an overview provided of the effects of emergency regulations and orders on such freedoms as South Africans enjoy under the 'ordinary' law. Finally, an attempt is made to assess how these decisions have affected the prospect of judicial review of executive action, both in the emergency context and in the field of administrative law generally. The conclusion is that, however far the Appellate Division may appear to have gone towards eliminating the role of the law in the emergency regime, grounds remain for the courts to exercise a more vigorous supervisory role should they choose to do so in future.

Le contrôle de l’exécutif dans la création de l’État de droit en Afrique aura été au centre de tous les débats doctrinaux depuis la décennie 1990. L’omnipotence de l’exécutif sur les autres pouvoirs en Afrique, sapant l’existence de l’équilibre des pouvoirs (exécutif, législatif, judiciaire) a donné lieu à toutes sortes de spéculations. C’est ainsi que dés 1990 l’accent était mis sur les mécanismes de limitation des pouvoirs de l’exécutif. Cette question de la séparation et de l’équilibre des pouvoirs dont la paternité revient à John Locke mais dotée de sa résonance actuelle par Montesquieu reste aujourd’hui une question non encore résolue en Afrique afin de permettre une réalisation effective de l’État de droit. Cette étude a pour objet de mettre en lumière les obstacles qu’il faudrait lever , les causes sociologiques concourant à de telles conséquences ainsi que les voies et moyens devant mener à la limitation des pouvoirs de l’exécutif , laissant la voie aux conditions naturelles de préservation des libertés individuelles pour la mise en œuvre de l’Etat de droit en Afrique. Force est de constater que bien des progrès ont été réalisés depuis 1990, notamment avec l’édiction de nouveaux textes constitutionnels et une volonté affichée des uns (pouvoirs politiques) et des autres (société civile et associations de défense des droits de l’homme) de mettre en place des régimes démocratiques. Toutefois, depuis la chute du mur de Berlin, cet espoir des lendemains prometteurs semble céder la place au pessimisme. Il convient ainsi de déterminer les raisons de cette décadence tout en mettant l’accent sur des indices de nature à fleurir l’espoir des lendemains meilleurs. C’est dans cette ligne droite que s’inscrit l’objet de notre projet de thèse. / The control of the executive in the creation of the Rule of law in Africa will have been in the center of all the doctrinal debates since the decade 1990. The omnipotence of the executive on the other powers in Africa, sapping the existence of the balance of power (executive, legislative, legal) caused all kinds of speculations. Thus by 1990 the emphasis was placed on the mechanisms of limitation of the powers of the executive. This question of the separation and the balance of power whose paternity returns to John Locke but equipped with his current resonance by Montesquieu remains today a question not yet solved in Africa in order to allow an effective realization of the Rule of law. This study has the aim of clarifying the obstacles which would have to be raised, sociological causes contributing to such consequences as well as the ways and means having to lead to the limitation of the powers of the executive, leaving the way to the natural conditions of safeguarding of individual freedoms for the implementation of the Rule of law in Africa. Force is to note that many progress were realized since 1990, in particular with the édiction of new constitutional texts and a will displayed of the ones (political powers) and others (civil society and defense associations of the human rights) to set up democratic regimes. However, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, this hope of the promising following days seems to give way to pessimism. It is thus advisable to determine the reasons of this decline while focussing on indices likely to flower the hope of the better following days. It is in this straight line that the object of our project of thesis is registered.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à l’utilisation par le 43ème président des États-Unis, George W. Bush, des déclarations de promulgation, ces documents écrits qui permettent au président américain de donner son opinion sur une loi qu’il vient de promulguer et dans lesquels il peut faire part de sa réticence à faire appliquer certaines des dispositions de la loi en question car il les juge potentiellement inconstitutionnelles, et ce quand bien même il a accepté de promulguer la loi en question. Une telle pratique peut sembler contraire à l’esprit même de la Constitution américaine, qui contraint le président à « veiller à la fidèle exécution des lois » qu’il promulgue sans lui laisser la possibilité de sélectionner au sein desdites lois les disposions qu’il souhaite ou ne souhaite pas voir appliquées.A travers un travail de comparaison des déclarations de promulgation de George W. Bush à celles de ses prédécesseurs à la Maison-Blanche et une analyse de la capacité théorique et pratique de cet outil présidentiel à influer sur le processus d’exécution des lois, on se proposera de démontrer que les déclarations de promulgation sont davantage l’outil rhétorique d’une affirmation des pouvoirs de la présidence visant à renforcer cette dernière sur le long terme qu’un levier d’action immédiate permettant à la présidence de mettre la main sur l’exécution des lois. / This thesis focuses on the use of presidential signing statements by the Bush 43 Administration. Presidential signing statements are written documents that allow the President to give his opinion of a bill he signed into law and to say that even though he willingly signed the law, he does not necessarily plan on executing all of its provisions as he believes some of them to be potentially unconstitutional. Such a behavior may seem problematic constitutionally speaking as the American Constitution forces the President to « faithfully execute the laws » without affording him the opportunity to pick and choose the provisions he wants to execute.Through a comparison with the signing statements of previous presidents as well as an analysis of both the theoretical and practical capacity of presidential signing statements to allow the President to control the execution of the laws, this thesis will describe signing statements as tools of the rhetorical presidency that allow the executive to assert and defend its constitutional prerogatives in order to strengthen them in the long run, rather than weapons of the administrative presidency with an immediate effect on the execution of the laws.

"Montesquieu, in L'Esprit des Lois, 1748, divided the functions of state into: the legislative power, the executive power, and the power of judging. Indeed, three constitutional organs have invariably dominated state power. These are: the executive, the leigslative and the judiciary. According to Montesquieu, the state is said to be at 'equilibrium' when the three organs are independent of each other, with each carrying out its functions without interference. Ideally, the legislative organ ought to make laws, the executive to implement them, and the judiciary to adjudicate over disputes arising out of the day-to-day operations of the state. This attempt at dispersing state power is not arbitrary. It has got ends. One cardinal end in this regrad is the protection of fundamental human rights. It has been argued that where the three organs of state are allowed operatational autonomy, individuals stand to enjoy relatively profound liberty. Where state functions are entrusted with one person or organ, the tyranny of that person or organ is certain to overwhelm the realisation of fundamental freedoms and liberties. ... Both Montesquieu and Lock had tremendous faith in the tripartite government structure in so far as the protection of liberties was concerned. Informed by this philosophy, most democratic constitutions have weaved state power in almost similar terms envisioned by Montesquieu. Thus far, the 1787 Constitution of the United States of America (USA) could be ranked as one with the clearest distinction of state functions. Contemporary practice, however, appears to be in favour of complementing these traditional state organs, a sign, perhaps, that the conventional three organs of state per se have increasingly proved inadequate; at least in the sphere of human rights protection. There is a move, or rather, wave towards the establishment of independent national human rights institutions (NHRIs) to reinforce the bulwark of human rights protection mechanisms at state level, and the wave, arguably, is most pronounced in Africa. ... The current investigation will be completed in four distinct chapters. The current chapter serves well to introduce the study. The second chapter constitutes a comprehensive study of the conceptual foundations of national human rights institutions (NHRIs). The essence, structure and nature of NHRIs is also explored. The third chapter proposes to analyse the doctrine of separation of powers from a philosophical and later, from a practical point of view as it manifests itself in the Commonwealth tradition. The tripartite government configuration is discussed with the ramification of NHRIs in mind. It is instructive that without assessing the parent concept (the rule of law) a discussion on separation of powers remains orphaned. The fourth chapter shall first allude to the new challenges to human rights enforcement. It shall then discuss how these challenges and the development of NHRIs cry for a new thinking on the original tripartite system. The final section is an attempt at supplying a panacea to the challenges accentuated by the preceding part." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii Ashie Kotey at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon / LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

MAIR / Department of Development Studies / The study investigates the issue of human rights on whether there can be a balance or relationship between monarchical rights and human rights in Southern Africa, paying particular attention to the small monarchical kingdom of Eswatini. The study seeks to examine how traditional monarchies in the 21st century treats the issue of human rights bearing in mind the fact that the current global system highly believes in upholding the fundamental freedoms and rights of the people. As a case study, this study seeks to examine the major reasons behind the Kingdom of Eswatini’s continued adherence to a monarchical system and also how the regional and international bodies like the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the United Nations (UN) are doing in terms of addressing the continued violation of human rights in the Kingdom of Eswatini. Qualitative research methodology will be employed to gather data. The research will contribute to the African studies discourse, especially on the nexus between monarchical rights and human rights. Volunteer sampling will be used to get participants for the study and would be drawn mainly from academics, local chiefs/political leaders and also some of the elderly citizens. / NRF