Thesis (Ed.D.)--University of West Florida, 2009. / Submitted to the Division of Curriculum and Instruction. Title from title page of source document. Document formatted into pages; contains 180 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

L’objet de cette recherche est de saisir les logiques différenciées de l’engagement militant d’habitants menacés d’expulsion. À Rio de Janeiro et au Cap, villes dans lesquelles s’ancre cette étude, les classes populaires sont fragilisées par des politiques urbaines conduisant à des expulsions massives. Réunie au sein de structures collectives, une partie des résidents de la Vila Autódromo (Rio de Janeiro) et de Woodstock (Le Cap) se mobilise pour défendre son espace de vie.En rupture avec les lectures qui en sont communément données, je démontre ici que les structures militantes dans lesquelles les habitants se regroupent sont marquées par une forte hétérogénéité :les habitants s’y (dés)engagent selon divers degrés. Tandis que certains s’impliquent intensément dans l’action collective, d’autres préfèrent se tenir à l’écart ou se retirer au terme d’une période d’engagement. À travers un examen attentif des carrières des enquêtés, les mobiles objectifs (contexte et contraintes organisationnelles) et subjectifs (expériences, interprétations, représentations), qui sous-tendent leur participation sont analysés. Par le biais d’observations ethnographiques, ils sont ensuite réactualisés à la lumière des interactions entre résidents. Les liens sociaux de voisinage et les rapports de force entre résidents sont décryptés comme autant d’éléments susceptibles d’entraver un engagement au sein du groupe. En examinant les outils de façonnage du militantisme déployés par les groupes et les normes d’engagement diffusées par leurs cadres, je tente de comprendre comment les habitants s’y conforment, les contournent ou ajustent les activités militantes à leurs sphères de vie, bouleversées par la précarité économique et résidentielle. En retour, interroger l’hétérogénéité des engagements militants permet de mieux comprendre comment les groupes sociaux gèrent la diversité de leurs membres et ajustent leurs pratiques organisationnelles. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é compreender a lógica diferenciada do engajamento militante de moradores ameaçados de remoções. No Rio de Janeiro e na Cidade do Cabo, cidades em que este estudo se baseia, as classes trabalhadoras são enfraquecidas por políticas urbanas que conduzem a despejos massivos. Reunidos em estruturas coletivas, uma parte dos moradores da Vila Autódromo (Rio de Janeiro) e de Woodstock (Cidade do Cabo) se mobiliza para defender o seu espaço de vida. Mostro aqui que as estruturas militantes em que os moradores se reúnem são caracterizadas por uma forte heterogeneidade: os moradores estão empenhados nelas em diferentes graus. Enquanto alguns se envolvem intensamente na ação coletiva, outros preferem se afastar ou se retirar após um período de envolvimento. Através do estudo das carreiras dos inquiridos, são analisados os motivos objetivos (contexto e restrições organizacionais) e subjetivos (experiências, interpretações, representações) subjacentes à sua participação. Através de observações etnográficas, são depois atualizadas à luz das interações entre os residentes. Os laços sociais do bairro e as relações de poder entre os residentes são considerados como elementos susceptíveis de dificultar um compromisso mais intenso no grupo. Ao examinar os instrumentos de ativismo utilizados pelos grupos e as normas de empenhamento divulgadas pelos seus líderes, tento compreender como os residentes se conformam com eles, os contornam ou ajustam as atividades da militância às suas esferas de vida, que têm sido perturbadas pela insegurança económica e residencial. Por sua vez, questionar a heterogeneidade dos engajamentos permite compreender melhor a forma como os grupos sociais gerem a diversidade dos seus membros e ajustam as suas práticas organizacionais / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Decades of research on compression ignition engines have led to a highly efficient combustion cycle in contemporary diesel engines. Nonetheless, the combustion process is being studied perpetually to meet both current and future emission regulations. One of the most influential parameters that impacts the combustion quality, is the fuel spray evolution during injection, and subsequent fuel-air mixture formation inside the engine cylinder. The spray evolution has been investigated to a high level of detail, and the highly complex processes of mixture formation and combustion are well-documented for diesel engines. Most of these investigations are limited to studying either research-grade injectors, or brand new production injectors. Injectors in real-world diesel engines, i.e. normal passenger cars and trucks that are used on a daily basis, are however subject to deposit formation at the tip of the injector nozzle. These deposits have the potential of altering the internal nozzle flow and fuel spray pattern, which in turn degrades combustion quality and increases engine emissions. In the work presented in this thesis the spray evolution of production injectors has been studied over a wide range of injector conditions. Common rail light-duty injectors with a usage history of up to 90 000 miles were acquired from the UK commuter car parc, and several brand new injectors were studied for comparison purposes. It is shown that the spray pattern of the injected fuel changes over the lifetime of the injector. For used injectors a reduced penetration rate was observed in the transient regime of fuel injection, during needle lift. The reduced penetration rate was often accompanied by anomalous radial expansions. Although the magnitude of the effects varied from injector to injector, the highest mileage injectors tended to produce the strongest spray deviations. For several high-mileage injectors the end of injection appeared retarded with respect to new injectors. Expulsions of liquid ligaments and droplets after the end of injection were observed from all injectors, irrespective of the mileage of the injector.

This study investigated legal implications of differential disciplinary treatment of special education and non-special education students in K-12 public schools. It focused on interpreting and applying federal and state education legislation by courts and how various judicial decisions affect discipline practices in public school systems, asking if preferential treatment was afforded to students with disabilities through implementation and interpretation of educational legislation.The historical myriad of complex legislation passed before and after inception of Public Law 94-142 in 1975 was studied, exploring relationships between school discipline of children who do and do not receive special education services. Research included review of pertinent books, journal articles, published and unpublished papers, and personal communications with experts in education and law. It identified appellate court cases dealing with school discipline and compared rulings. Law and educ ation authorities were interviewed. Surveys were developed and administered to discern teachers' understanding of educational legislation. It attempted to formulate a theory addressing consistencies and inconsistencies associated with public school discipline, along with reinforcement of that treatment by the United States court system, offering implications and recommendations for practice and for further research. Emphasizing data collection from primary and secondary documents, this study took a historical perspective.Conclusions indicate that school compliance is directly tied to financial mandates and that school-based personnel have little discretionary power disciplining students with disabilities. School officials are caught between attempts to keep schools safe and complying with federal and state mandates to avoid forfeiting allocated funds. Many teachers feel unsafe at schools attributing that feeling to inability to control students' classroom behavior. Inabilities stem fr om inequities in consequences for discipline infractions by students with and without disabilities, inequities that have court precedents.Implications are that, based on the number of cases filed on behalf of students without disabilities, parents are seeking similar rights for their children as those of children with disabilities. Numbers indicate cases involving students with disabilities are resolved at lower levels of due process. Inequities are advocated by issuing various mandates and funding/compliance guidelines serving to strip local school districts of their ability to maintain and self-regulate schools.

L’expulsion des Allemands des Sudètes reste aujourd’hui encore un sujet sensible des deux côtés de la frontière germano-tchèque. En témoignent les polémiques liées à l’ouverture du « Zentrum gegen Vertreibungen » à Berlin ou les déclarations de Milos Zeman affirmant que les expulsions n’avaient pas été une punition assez sévère pour les Allemands. Dès 1945, les trois millions d’Allemands vivant encore sur le territoire de la future République tchèque furent expulsés vers l’Allemagne, transitant par des camps de travail, forcés de laisser derrière eux leur maison, leur ferme ou encore leur entreprise. Comment alors se reconstruire dans un pays qui n’est pas le sien ? Nombre d’entre eux considèrent dans un premier temps que cette expulsion est provisoire et entretiennent l’espoir d’un retour. Toutefois, ils seront rares à retrouver leur ancienne patrie. Ces événements sont violents, car sous le mot « expulsion » se cache en réalité des termes tels que « viol, expropriation, exploitation, déracinement ». La génération des parents expulsés, tout entière concentrée sur une reconstruction matérielle, fermera les yeux sur les souffrances des héritiers du non-dit. Aujourd’hui, ce sont eux qui prennent la parole, dans des œuvres romanesques que nous analyserons dans le présent travail. Le roman de Pavel Kohout, L’Heure étoilée du meurtrier, est un roman qui a manqué sa réception. Son message hautement politique a été masqué par l’appellation « Thriller » qui lui a été attribué, censure du régime communiste tchèque oblige. Toutefois, les personnages qui évoluent dans le récit, même s’ils enquêtent sur une série de meurtres, font plus que cela. Ils donnent à voir à quel point les relations germano-tchèques ont été détruites par la politique nationale-socialiste et l’occupation. Ainsi la rencontre entre les deux protagonistes, l’un allemand, l’autre tchèque, soulève la question de l’après. Alors que les expulsions sauvages débutent, leur amitié se renforce, leur questionnement face à l’avenir ouvre la voie de la réconciliation. Les personnages des Inachevés sont quant à eux les victimes des expulsions annoncées dans le roman de Pavel Kohout. Les quatre femmes de la famille Rosenbach vivront ce traumatisme dans le déni, l’opposition ou le silence, jusqu’à le transmettre au dernier-né, projeté dans un passé qui n’est pas le sien. Cet homme brisé par une histoire qui lui est étrangère pose alors la question de la transmission. Que s’échangent les personnages du roman de Pavel Kohout, lorsque Buback l’allemand reconnaît sa culpabilité ? Quel rôle le silence joue-t-il dans la transmission d’un traumatisme, lorsque même les générations actuelles souffrent des blessures de leurs aînés ? / The theme of my research is identity, the transmission of History into a family and the social deconstruction of the German expellees after World War II. The expulsion of the Sudeten Germans is the historical frame in which the novels of Reinhard Jirgl and Pavel Kohout evolve. The questions that are explored in this doctoral thesis are: How can literature be the medium of their suffering? Which part did the lost homeland play on their identity and how could they pass on the History to their children or grand-children without imprisoning them in a jail of silence? Pavel Kohout’s novel, Sternstunde der Mörder, embodies the interrogations of the allied forces in 1945: are German and Czech people able to live side by side? The expulsions, the violence and the loss of the homeland gave birth to a trauma that still isn’t healed. The Rosenbach family in Reinhard Jirgl’s novel Die Unvollendenten are the victims of those expulsions and pass their trauma on to the grandchild, sick of a wound that isn’t his own. The suffering of this generation is still present in today’s Germany: can literature be part of the healing process?

Chaque année, près de 165 000 ménages locataires sont assignés au tribunal par leurspropriétaires dans d'une procédure d'expulsion pour dette locative, soit plus de 1% des ménagesrésidant dans le parc locatif de France métropolitaine. Fondée sur une enquête statistique etethnographique menée dans un département populaire de région parisienne, cette thèse restitue lesinégalités de trajectoire procédurale d'un échantillon de locataires en procédure d'expulsion, en lienavec l'activité des institutions publiques chargées de recouvrir leurs créances et d'administrer cecontentieux : commissions de travail social liées au droit au logement, tribunaux d'instance, bureaudes expulsions de la préfecture et commissariats de police. Elle met tout d'abord en lumière lesconditions et la rationalité économiques spécifiques qui conduisent un nombre important deménages populaires à suspendre le paiement du loyer plutôt que de recourir à d'autres circuitsd'endettement. La thèse analyse ensuite les dispositifs de recouvrement et les usages du droit quemobilisent les propriétaires afin de recouvrir et de sanctionner les créances locatives, et letraitement que réserve l'institution judiciaire à leurs demandes et aux locataires indisciplinés. Elleétudie enfin les logiques régaliennes de l'autorisation administrative et de l'exécution, par lesservices de l’État et les acteurs publics locaux, du concours de la force publique à l'encontre desménages condamnés par le tribunal et se refusant à quitter leur logement. En définitive, la thèseanalyse l'endettement locatif comme une transaction à crédit particulière, dont les dispositifs derecouvrement et de sanction coercitive font apparaître la violence légitime de l’État comme uneinstance nécessaire à la reproduction du marché du logement, de ses normes économiques commedes inégalités de statuts résidentiels qui le structurent. / Every year, nearly 165,000 indebted tenants are summoned to French housing courtsbecause of rent arrears. This number represents more than 1% of the renter households in thecountry. Based on an inquiry, both statistical and ethnographic, which we conducted in a destituedistrict in the Parisian suburbs, this dissertation sheds light on the unequal judicial trajectories of asample of indebted tenants facing a court summons, and analyzes the activity of the publicinstitutions in charge of collecting rent debts and carrying out eviction proceedings. The study firsthighlights the specific economic rationality which leads impoverished households to suspend thepayment of their rent rather than sacrifyng other domestic expenditures or taking out other types ofcredit. The dissertation then focuses on how landlords bring the dispute to court, and identifies thefactors of the judge's ruling in evictions cases. Thirdly, the research deals with the work of the localstate “eviction bureau” employees, who deliver legal authorizations to police eviction squads toexecute the court-orderedj physical removal of the defaulting renters who refuse to vacate thepremisses. By studying rent debts collection practices and legal eviction proceedings, thisdissertation shows how the State's legitimate violence, both physical and symbolic, enables thereproduction of the rental housing market.

法國在2010年發生了一件富社會與政治爭議性的大事：對非法吉普塞人移民的驅除。當時法國媒體極力報導這則消息，並皆由報導重新建構此事件。此篇論文探討法文報紙在報導吉普賽移民議題上如何被政治化。此研究由法國《世界報》與《費加洛日報》中挑選240篇文章出來做框架分析，《世界報》與《費加洛日報》分別代表法國兩大不同政治理念的國家日報，藉此分析支持學者哈林與曼席尼的媒體政治制度化與框架中的分化假設。《世界報》中大部分文章有著支持吉普賽移民框架報導(107篇文章)而《費加洛日報》中大部份文章則是反吉普賽移民框架報導的(76篇文章)。此外，結果顯示《世界報》中佔優勢的框架是支持吉普賽人安全制度的框架，而《費加洛日報》佔優勢的框架則是反吉普賽人移民的國家主義框架。 / Summer 2010 in France was marked by a major socio-political controversy: the expulsions of illegal Roma immigrants. The French news media widely broadcasted the issue, reconstructing the debate for the audiences. This thesis researched how French newspapers are being politicized in reporting the Roma immigration debate. Framing analysis of 240 articles in Le Monde and Le Figaro, two selected French national dailies of differing political ideology, supported Hallin and Mancini’s hypothesis of media instrumentalization and polarization in frame. Le Monde had a majority of pro-Roma immigration frames (107 articles) and Le Figaro had a majority of against Roma immigration frames (76 articles). Moreover, findings showed that Le Monde’s dominant frame was the pro-Roma securitization frame and Le Figaro’s dominant frame was the against Roma immigration nationalism frame.

In Spain, in 1501 the conversion of Muslims to Christianity was thought possible, hence the decreed baptisms; by the end of the century metanoia was deemed impossible. Similarly, religious otherness was thought to be surmountable; yet, it ultimately became indelible or racialized. These construction processes helped to discursively justify the expulsions of Christians, baptized descendants of Muslims, in the years 1609-1614. The importance of language in these justifications was arrived at through the study of referential language in texts, and a trans-Atlantic comparative approach. The discursive (re)construction and (re)inscription of otherness were traced through a variety of sixteenth-century ecclesial texts. Before these communities came to be named the so-called “moriscos” there were important changes in meaning and usage of other phrases and terms, such as “new Christian” and “newly converted.” The referential language was still in transition throughout the century and the processes are easily hidden by the historiographical premature and (over)use of the term “morisco.” Moreover, the full transition toward the racialized term “morisco” occurred closer to the eighteenth century and mostly across the Atlantic. The justifications rely on these communities being non-Christian and non-Spanish: suspect and alien. “Morisco” is not often a good metonymy. The fact that “moriscos” discursively came to be considered non-Spanish and non-Christian did not mean that there was actual discernible or insurmountable otherness. Therefore, a level of difference in the peninsula was posited through the study of referential language related to Amerindians before and after baptism: especially given that Amerindians remained “indios” after baptism—an indication that difference could be overcome in the peninsula. Furthermore, an analysis of the Sistema de Castas where “morisco” was used revealed that the proliferation of categories on both sides of the Atlantic was to prevent these communities from ever reaching the status of old Christian or Spanish.

Cette recherche porte sur la controverse construite autour des expulsions d’étrangers en situation irrégulière en France entre 2006 et 2010 et sur sa médiatisation dans cinq titres de la presse quotidienne nationale française : l’Humanité, Libération, Le Figaro, Le Monde et Le Parisien (édition nationale). L’objectif principal est de saisir les enjeux sociopolitiques structurant les discours des différents acteurs qui font exister cette controverse dans l’espace public : le gouvernement, les militants des droits des étrangers et, enfin, les médias. Il s’agit notamment de voir s’il existe une mise en débat de la gestion sécuritaire des flux migratoires dans les discours médiatiques. Notre propos s'organise en trois parties. La première partie est une mise en perspective historique de la place des étrangers dans l’État-nation français depuis la Révolution française jusqu'à la fin du 20ème siècle. Elle nous permet de comprendre les difficultés politiques spécifiques qui surgissent lorsqu’il s’agit de penser la question des droits et de la place des migrants dans un monde organisé en États-nations. La deuxième partie décrit et analyse les positionnements politiques et les discours des principaux acteurs du débat sur l'immigration irrégulière et les sans-papiers, soit l’État d'un côté et le champ militant de l'autre. Enfin, dans une troisième et dernière partie, nous analysons le rôle joué par les journaux français dans la construction de la controverse autour des expulsions. Le corpus comporte 2602 articles, que nous analysons d'abord de manière quantitative à l'aide du logiciel Modalisa, puis de manière plus qualitative (analyse narrative, iconique et argumentative). Nos conclusions insistent sur les cadrages privilégiés dans les discours de presse ainsi que sur leurs difficultés à élaborer une ligne éditoriale cohérente et ambitieuse sur la question des migrations et une autonomie vis-à-vis des discours politiques. Elles montrent d’abord que l’accroissement de la répression vis-à-vis des sans-papiers est loin de faire consensus et est, au contraire, très controversée dans la presse française. Mais, malgré ce discours dénonciateur, les journaux peinent à prendre politiquement position sur la situation des sans-papiers et à mobiliser des arguments contre la logique sécuritaire. Les registre mobilisés par les journaux pour sortir de l’approche sécuritaire de l’immigration se limitent donc généralement à l’invocation de principes humanitaires et de valeurs morales, et au recours à l’argument de l’intégration (sociale, scolaire, professionnelle) des sans-papiers dans la société française. / This research concerns the controversy over the deportation of foreign nationals in irregular or illegal situation in France between 2006 and 2010, as well as the mediatisation of this controversy in five national French newspapers: l'Humanité, Libération, Le Figaro, Le Monde and Le Parisien (national edition). The main goal is to understand the socio-political issues structuring the discourses offered by the various social actors that take part in this controversy in the public sphere : the government, activists and advocates for migrants' rights, and the media. This research focuses in particular on ascertaining whether the security-centred management of migratory flows is debated in media discourses.The argument is divided into three parts. The first part gives historical perspective to the position of foreign nationals in the French nation state from the French Revolution to the end of the twentieth century. It illuminates the political difficulties that appear when conceiving of the rights and the position of migrants in a world made of nation states. The second part describes and analyses the political positioning as well as the discourses of the main social actors taking part in the debates on irregular and illegal migration; looking at the state on the one hand, and activist movements on the other. Finally, the third part proposes an analysis of the role played by French newspapers in the construction of the controversy over deportations. The corpus consists of 2602 press articles, which are firstly quantitatively analysed with the help of software Modalisa, and then approached qualitatively (narrative, iconic and argumentative analyses).This research conclusions focus on the interpretative frames most used in newspapers' discourses. It discusses the way these discourses encounter difficulties not only in elaborating a coherent and ambitious editorial line regarding migration, but also in retaining a certain autonomy in relation to political discourses. The conclusions show firstly that there is a clear lack of consensus concerning the increasing repression of illegal migrants, amounting to a real controversy in French newspapers. However, despite this denunciation, newspapers find it difficult both to take a political stand on the situation of illegal migrants, and to mobilise arguments against security-based discourses. Indeed, in order to eschew these approaches focusing on security, newspapers are often limited to invoking humanitarian principles and moral values, and to focusing on the integration (whether it be social, educative, professional) of illegal migrants in French society.

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