Social media is increasingly being used as a forum to engage in political events and using different kinds of social platforms has become an easier and faster way to conveying political messages to the outside world. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the social media platform YouTube is used as an instrument for a resistance movement and how the content in these videos are continuously changing by studying a specific case that takes place over a long period of time. Using a content analysis, this study analyzed visual materials in form of livestream videos on YouTube about the resistance movement in Hong Kong during June, July, September, and October 2019. The analyzed videos are strategically selected from a specific YouTube channel named China Uncensored, where the authors of the content give a very transparent visual of the resistance movement. To analyze the YouTube videos, a coding scheme was constructed with five starting point for respective video: the purpose, the target, the alliance, criticism types, and the level of violence for the resistance movement. In conclusion the use of YouTube as an instrument for a resistance movement in form of livestream videos has shown positive effects due to its realistic, unedited, and transparent visual of reality. This way the content has high validity, which makes YouTube livestream videos a great tool of resistance on social media. The study also answers the question regarding the changes in the livestream videos, that the goal and level of violence of the movement constantly changed during the selected timeline. / Sociala medier används alltmer som ett forum för att engagera sig i politiska händelser och att använda olika typer av sociala plattform har blivit ett enklare och snabbare sätt att förmedla politiska budskap till omvärlden. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur den sociala medieplattformen Youtube används som ett instrument för en motståndsrörelse och hur innehållet i dessa videor kontinuerligt förändras genom att studera ett specifikt fall som äger rum under en lång tidsperiod. Med hjälp av en innehållsanalys analyserade denna studie visuella material i form av livesändningar på Youtube om motståndsrörelsen i Hong Kong under juni, juli, september och oktober 2019. De analyserade videorna är strategiskt utvalda från en specifik Youtube-kanal där författarna till innehållet ger en mycket transparent bild av motståndsrörelsen. För att analysera Youtube-filmerna konstruerades ett kodningsschema med fem utgångspunkt för respektive video: syftet, målet, alliansen, kritiktyper och våldsnivån för motståndsrörelsen. Resultatet visar att användningen av YouTube som ett instrument för en motståndsrörelse i form av livesändningar visat positiva effekter på grund av dess realistiska, oredigerade och transparenta visuella verklighet. På detta sätt har innehållet hög validitet, vilket gör YouTube-livesändningar till ett bra verktyg för motstånd på sociala medier. Studien svarar också på frågan angående förändringarna i dessa videon, att rörelsens mål och våldsnivå ständigt förändrades under den valda tidsperioden.

[pt] Esta pesquisa em comunicação política analisou o impacto das mídias digitais na opinião pública durante os protestos de 2019 em Hong Kong com base na hipótese da espiral do silêncio (Noelle-Neumann, 1974). Se trata de um estudo qualitativo e interpretativo que observa como os usuários participam das discussões políticas por meio das mídias sociais. A pesquisa procura analisar as opiniões e expressões em torno de o tema em estudado, privilegiando o estudo de caso e adotando métodos como a análise de enquadramentos e de conteúdo. Em concreto, questiona-se se nos protestos de 2019 em Hong Kong, ocorreu um fenômeno da espiral do silêncio nos debates sobre os protestos de 2019 em Hong Kong, nos comentários sobre as notícias postadas na página oficial no Facebook do South China Morning Post. Para responder à esta questão, este estudo analisou manualmente 76 notícias postadas pela fanpage e 2.000 comentários às mesmas. A teoria da Espiral do Silêncio afirma que pessoas que se reconhecem como minorias evitam expressar o que pensam publicamente, quando pensam que o clima de opinião da maioria é contrário às suas próprias opiniões. Os resultados desta pesquisa mostram que nos comentários da fanpage analisada, uma minoria de usuários tendeu a se autocensurar com o passar do tempo, confirmando a hipótese da espiral do silêncio, mas que após um certo período, voltou a expressar suas opiniões apesar de continuarem sendo uma minoria, o que evidencia uma espiral do silêncio intermitente no tempo, provavelmente motivada por fatores exógenos ao ambiente de discussão observado. A pesquisa visa contribuir para o avanço da discussão sobre participação política nas mídias sociais na atualidade, por meio do estudo do ambiente e do conteúdo midiático. O contexto do objeto da pesquisa é o do Projeto de Lei de Extradição de Hong Kong em 2019. Este estudo tem um significativo caráter inovador no Brasil, pois enriquece o repertório de pesquisas empíricas sobre os países asiáticos, ainda incipiente na comunicação política, fornecendo novos achados que incentivam futuras pesquisas em perspectiva comparada, utilizando teorias já consolidadas. / [en] This political communication research analyzed the impact of digital media on public opinion. This is a qualitative and interpretive study that observes how users participate in political discussions through social media. The survey aims to analyze the opinions and expressions surrounding the proposed theme, using case study as a research strategy, and adopting methods such as frame methods and qualitative content analysis. Starting from this concept, question are raised: In the 2019 Hong Kong protests, existed a Spiral of silence phenomenon on social media? This research has important scientific and innovative contributions. In order to understand these issue, based on the Spiral of silence hypothesis, this study manually analyzed 76 posts on the Facebook website of the South China Morning Post and 2,000 public comments. The development of the theory Spiral of silence (Noelle-Neumann, 1974) pointed out that people retain their opinions when they think that the climate of opinion is contrary to their own opinions, and this silence will increase over time. The analysis of this research shows that on the Facebook platform, a minority of opinion holders tend to retain their opinions, but as time goes by, a minority of determined people begin to express their opinions, which shows an intermittent Spiral of silence in time, probably motivated by factors exogenous to the observed discussion environment. The research aims to contribute to the advancement of the environment for public political participation on the current social media, through the study of the media environment and media content. The background of the research is the Hong Kong Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement. This special background has innovative significance, enriching empirical research on Eastern countries, and providing new ideas for non-campaigns political participation research.

Dans Németh c. Canada (Justice) (2010), la Cour suprême vient à la conclusion qu’il est possible, pour le ministre de la Justice, d’autoriser l’extradition d’un réfugié dans la mesure où cette dernière n’est pas injuste ou tyrannique, et qu’elle ne vise pas à punir la personne pour des motifs de persécution. Le juge Cromwell précise qu’il n’est pas nécessaire de révoquer le statut de réfugié avant le processus d’extradition ; le ministre n’a qu’à démontrer que les clauses de cessation se trouvant dans la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés s’appliquent. Cela implique qu’il doit faire la preuve, selon la balance des probabilités, que les réfugiés n’ont plus de raison de craindre la persécution dans leur pays d’origine, en établissant qu’il y a un changement stable de circonstances. Toutefois, le processus actuel d’extradition n’assure pas pleinement les protections procédurales auxquelles ont droit les réfugiés, dans la mesure où la Loi sur l’extradition accorde un pouvoir discrétionnaire au ministre de décider, au cas par cas, qui devrait avoir droit à une audition orale pour étayer sa cause. Puisque la possibilité de persécution au retour reste une question empreinte de subjectivité et fait appel à la crédibilité, il est du devoir du ministre d’accorder une forme d'audition aux réfugiés afin d’offrir de solides garanties procédurales. Or, la Cour n’est pas allée jusqu’à prescrire un tel devoir. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous interrogeons sur l’étendue des protections procédurales qui devraient être accordées à un réfugié menacé d’extradition. / In Németh v. Canada (Justice) (2010), the Supreme Court concludes that it is possible for the Minister of Justice to surrender a refugee facing extradition, unless it is unjust or oppressive or the discrimination clause can be applied. Cromwell J. established it isn't necessary to revoke the refugee status prior to the extradition; the Minister only has to demonstrate that the change of circumstances in the refugee's country may lead to the cessation of refugee protection. This implies that the Minister must come forward with evidence of changed circumstances and be satisfied on the balance of probabilities that the refugee no longer needs protection in Canada. Unfortunately, the extradition procedures do not properly ensure the substantive fundamental justice and protections sought by refugees. There is no discussion on a possibility to properly respond to the Minister's evidence. However, there must be an opportunity for them to disprove the evidence, especially because it is a subjective matter which challenges the refugees' credibility. Therefore, it is the Minister's responsibility to ensure there is a hearing to comply with fundamental justice. Nevertheless, the Court didn’t go on to prescribe such an obligation to the Minister. In this research, we will then ask ourselves which procedural safeguards should be given by the Minister of Justice to refugees facing extradition.

Dans Németh c. Canada (Justice) (2010), la Cour suprême vient à la conclusion qu’il est possible, pour le ministre de la Justice, d’autoriser l’extradition d’un réfugié dans la mesure où cette dernière n’est pas injuste ou tyrannique, et qu’elle ne vise pas à punir la personne pour des motifs de persécution. Le juge Cromwell précise qu’il n’est pas nécessaire de révoquer le statut de réfugié avant le processus d’extradition ; le ministre n’a qu’à démontrer que les clauses de cessation se trouvant dans la Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés s’appliquent. Cela implique qu’il doit faire la preuve, selon la balance des probabilités, que les réfugiés n’ont plus de raison de craindre la persécution dans leur pays d’origine, en établissant qu’il y a un changement stable de circonstances. Toutefois, le processus actuel d’extradition n’assure pas pleinement les protections procédurales auxquelles ont droit les réfugiés, dans la mesure où la Loi sur l’extradition accorde un pouvoir discrétionnaire au ministre de décider, au cas par cas, qui devrait avoir droit à une audition orale pour étayer sa cause. Puisque la possibilité de persécution au retour reste une question empreinte de subjectivité et fait appel à la crédibilité, il est du devoir du ministre d’accorder une forme d'audition aux réfugiés afin d’offrir de solides garanties procédurales. Or, la Cour n’est pas allée jusqu’à prescrire un tel devoir. Dans ce mémoire, nous nous interrogeons sur l’étendue des protections procédurales qui devraient être accordées à un réfugié menacé d’extradition. / In Németh v. Canada (Justice) (2010), the Supreme Court concludes that it is possible for the Minister of Justice to surrender a refugee facing extradition, unless it is unjust or oppressive or the discrimination clause can be applied. Cromwell J. established it isn't necessary to revoke the refugee status prior to the extradition; the Minister only has to demonstrate that the change of circumstances in the refugee's country may lead to the cessation of refugee protection. This implies that the Minister must come forward with evidence of changed circumstances and be satisfied on the balance of probabilities that the refugee no longer needs protection in Canada. Unfortunately, the extradition procedures do not properly ensure the substantive fundamental justice and protections sought by refugees. There is no discussion on a possibility to properly respond to the Minister's evidence. However, there must be an opportunity for them to disprove the evidence, especially because it is a subjective matter which challenges the refugees' credibility. Therefore, it is the Minister's responsibility to ensure there is a hearing to comply with fundamental justice. Nevertheless, the Court didn’t go on to prescribe such an obligation to the Minister. In this research, we will then ask ourselves which procedural safeguards should be given by the Minister of Justice to refugees facing extradition.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSE CRISTIANO LEAO TOLINI.pdf: 911083 bytes, checksum: 794185d2515c8517b8a890373ea575d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-15 / The Brazilian Federal Constitution foresees in the article 5º the prohibition of the delivery and extradition of born Brazilians. As well as of the national elementary schools, however, is verified in the Statute of Rome of International the Criminal Court, of which Brazil is signatory, is evidenced that its adhesion and promulgation had occurred without exceptions to the Statute, a time that the same does not admit reserves, safe in the crimes foreseen in the alluded Statute when practised in war time. Where it weighs the Court to understand that the extradition and delivers has meant diverse, in the reality the two expressions are similar, fulfilling the same purpose, therefore, being contrary the forecast contained in the Federal Constitution of 1998, that it forbids to the extradition or delivery of born Brazilians. / A Constituição Federal Brasileira prevê no artigo 5º a vedação da entrega e extradição de brasileiros natos. No entanto, verifica-se no Estatuto de Roma do Tribunal Penal Internacional, do qual o Brasil é signatário, que sua adesão e promulgação ocorreram sem ressalvas ao Estatuto, uma vez que o mesmo não admite reservas, salvo nos crimes previsto no aludido Estatuto quando praticados em tempo de guerra. Em que pese o Tribunal entender que a extradição e entrega tenha significado diverso, na realidade as duas expressões são semelhantes, cumprindo a mesma finalidade, por isso, sendo contrária a previsão contida na Constituição Federal de 1998, que proíbe a extradição ou entrega de brasileiros natos.

Le droit pénal génère des distinctions entre étrangers et nationaux, les premiers faisant, dans certaines situations, l’objet d’une pénalisation spécifique. Pourtant, la pertinence de cette pénalisation peut être questionnée au regard d’un balancement, opéré par le droit pénal, entre distinction et assimilation.Dans un premier temps, l’étude démontre que les différentes distinctions en droit pénal peuvent être contestées. D’une part, la pénalisation dont fait l’objet l’ensemble des étrangers ne semble pas opportune car elle apparaît tant superflue – lorsque le droit pénal se superpose à un dispositif extra-pénal suffisant – qu’illégitime – lorsque le droit pénal utilise l’apparence d’extranéité comme critère d’application. D’autre part, la pénalisation spécifique dont font l’objet les étrangers en situation irrégulière apparaît inadéquate puisque, dépendante de l’évolution des règles administratives et européennes, elle revêt un caractère instable et parce qu’elle ne présente qu’un intérêt relatif pour lutter contre l’immigration illégale.Dans un second temps, l’analyse montre, à travers un mouvement d’assimilation progressive de l’étranger au national, que le droit pénal sait aussi se désintéresser de l’extranéité. D’une part, cette assimilation répond à un impératif d’égalité qu’il est possible d’observer dans le cadre du procès pénal, mais également à l’aune de la création d’immunités pénales au profit de certains étrangers. D’autre part, cette assimilation est fondée sur la lutte contre l’impunité des auteurs d’infractions puisqu’elle est commandée par les impératifs de la coopération pénale internationale et consacrée par le mécanisme de la compétence universelle. / Criminal law gives rise to distinctions between aliens and nationals, the former being subjected to specific criminalization. But the relevance of this criminalization may be questioned, considering the balance sought by criminal law between distinction and assimilation.First, the study demonstrates that the different distinctions provided by criminal law may be challenged. On one hand, criminalization that applies to every alien is not convenient since it appears non-essential – when criminal law overlaps already sufficient extra-criminal rules – and illegitimate – when criminal law uses foreign origin as selection criterion. On the other hand, specific criminalization applied to illegal aliens appears to be inadequate since, depending on the evolution of national administrative rules and European rules, it has no legal certainty and relative interest to restrict illegal immigration.Then, the analysis shows, through a movement of progressive assimilation of aliens to nationals, that criminal law can also lose interest in foreign origin. On one hand, this assimilation meets to a requirement of equality that one may observe not only in criminal lawsuits but also in matters of criminal immunities in favor of some aliens. On the other hand, this assimilation is based on broader fight against impunity of offenders as required by international criminal cooperation and recognized by the mechanism of universal jurisdiction.

This article reflects on the treaty-making power of the Congress and the President of the Republic in light of the Peruvian domestic law and International Law (particularly within the framework of the Vienna Convention of 1969 on the Law of Treaties) taking into account the discussions that arose betweenthe legislative and the executive powers regarding the ratification of the Extradition Treaty between Peru and France of 2016. The domestic law applicable to the conclusion of a treaty in Peru establishes that the President of the Republic is the only one who has the power to express the consent of the State to be bound by a treaty through ratification, which has internationallegal effects. The Congress has the power to approve treaties whose provisions are related to topics listed in Article 56 of 1993 Peruvian Constitution. The Congress’ legislative approval implies a parliamentary control regarding the acts of the President. However, Congress cannot compel the President to ratify a treaty (as it was discussed regarding the Extradition Treaty between Peru andFrance) neither issue the ratification. / Este artículo reflexiona en torno a las atribuciones para celebrar tratados que tienen el Congreso y el Presidente de la República a la luz del derecho interno peruano y del Derecho Internacional (en especial, de la Convención de Viena de 1969 sobre Derecho de los Tratados), teniendo en cuenta las discusiones que surgieron entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo con respecto a la ratificación del Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa de 2016. Las normas internas aplicables a la celebración de tratados en el Perú establecen que el Presidente de la República es el único que está facultado para expresar el consentimiento del Estado en obligarse por un tratado al ratificarlo, lo cual tiene efectos jurídicos internacionales. La atribución del Congreso de aprobar los tratados cuyas materias están previstas en el artículo 56 de la Constitución Política del Perú de 1993 implica el control parlamentario a los actos del Presidente. No obstante, el Congreso no puede obligar al Presidente de la República a ratificar un tratado (como se discutió con relación al Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa) ni es competente para emitir una ratificación.

Depuis la fin du XXème siècle, le nombre d'enquêtes et de procédures judiciaires civiles et criminelles internationales a considérablement augmenté à cause de la mondialisation de l'économie et de la facilité de transport de personnes et de biens. Toutefois, les normes de coopération juridique internationale, y compris celles existantes entre la France et le Brésil, n'ont pas accompagné cette évolution. En réalité, l'assistance juridique internationale a toujours faiblement fonctionné à cause, notamment, de la défense rigoureuse de la souveraineté étatique, de l'absence de confiance mutuelle et de coordination entre les pays. La distribution de pouvoirs dans la communauté internationale est faite horizontalement, de sorte que les normes d'assistance entre les États sont marquées par la décentralisation et le particularisme. Dans la plupart des régions du monde, l'accomplissement des demandes d'entraide judiciaire est lent et bureaucratisé, en dépit de la signature de nombreux traités bilatéraux et de conventions régionales et mondiales. L'extradition est encore réalisée presque selon la même formule inventée par les égyptiens et les hittites en 1280 av. J.-C .. La commission rogatoire, dont les racines se retrouvent dans les systèmes de la litterœ publicœ romaine et de la lettre de pareatis française, est encore le principal outil d'entraide civile et pénale. Quelques normes qui peuvent être classées comme de première génération prévoient encore l'utilisation de la voie diplomatique indirecte. Les règles de deuxième génération, créées, notamment, à partir de la fin du XXème siècle, ont amélioré la transmission de demandes, à travers les autorités centrales, mais ne résolvent pas tous les problèmes. En fait, seules les normes de l'Union européenne sont véritablement de troisième génération, parce qu'elles privilégient l'envoi direct de demandes d'entraide civile et pénale, la rapide exécution du mandat d'arrêt européen et l'accomplissement d'une grande quantité de jugements civils sans exequatur ou autre procédure intermédiaire. Les normes de coopération juridique franco-brésiliennes, qui découlent des conventions signées en 1996, sont aujourd'hui dépassées et anachroniques. Les règles de droit interne des deux pays qui visent l'assistance internationale sont franchement plus généreuses et plus efficaces que les règles d'origine conventionnelle. L'élaboration de nouvelles conventions surgit ainsi comme une solution envisageable, malgré les énormes défis politiques et juridiques. Évidemment, les conventions éventuellement parrainées par les Nations Unies ou par la Conférence de La Haye qui traitent de la coopération juridique directe semblent plus appropriées à une résolution plus ample des principales questions. Mais rien n'empêche la conclusion de textes régionaux, inter-régionaux ou même bilatéraux, mais leur étendue serait plus restreinte. / Since the end of the twentieth century, the number of international investigations and legal proceedings in civil and criminal matters has grown considerably due to the globalization of the economy and the ease of transportation of people and goods. Nevertheless, the international legal cooperation rules and regulations, including those between France and Brazil, have not kept up with this evolution. In fact, the international legal cooperation has always been flawed, mostly as a result of the rigorous defense of state sovereignty and the lack of mutual trust and coordination among countries. The authority distribution in the international community is made horizontally, thus the norms of assistance among States are marked by decentralization and particularism. In most regions of the world, the enforcement of legal cooperation claims is slow and bureaucratized, despite numerous treaties and bilateral, regional or international conventions. Extradition is still carried out in accordance with practically the same formula invented by the Egyptians and Hittites in 1280 B.C .. The letter of request, which springs from the Roman litterœ publicœ and the French lettre de pareatis, is still the major tool of civil and criminal legal cooperation. Some standards, regarded as first-generation, stipulate the use of indirect diplomatic ways. The second-generation norms established mostly at the end of the twentieth century have improved the transmission of demands through central authorit1es but have not solved all the problems. In fact, only the European Union norms are truly third-generation, since they favor the straight submission of civil and criminal legal cooperation claims, the swift execution of the European arrest warrant and the execution of a large number of civil judgments, with no exequatur or any other intermediate procedure. The French-Brazilian legal cooperation rules, which stem from conventions signed in 1996, are outdated and anachronistic. The rules of internal law of the countries that pursue international cooperation are utterly more generous and effective than those of conventional origin. The elaboration of new conventions thus arises as a significant solution, despite the enormous political and juridical challenges. Naturally, prospective conventions sponsored by the United Nations or by The Hague Convention concerning: direct legal cooperation seem more suitable to a comprehensive solution of the main issues. However, nothing precludes the conclusion of regional, interregional and bilateral texts, even though these will have a smaller reach.

The thesis aims to describe how was the Hong Kong pro-democracy movement, which began in June 2019 in response to the proposed extradition law, perceived. In its theoretical part, the thesis will focus on a detailed description of the historical development of Hong Kong and the formation of an independent Hong Kong identity. Major events will be presented, from the times of colonial administration to the description of pro-democracy protests in 2019, which affected the current state of Hong Kong. Subsequently the theoretical framework of the processes of hegemony and visual representation will be introduced, which will be further presented in the context of Hong Kong. Last but not least, the topic of journalistic photography and its significance in the current journalistic field will be defined. The practical part of the thesis will offer an analysis of how the direct participants perceived the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong, and whether their perceptions of events correspond not only with each other but also with the journalistic visual material that mapped four months of protests. A photo essay from the author's set of photographs was created to be also analysed in this work, part of which was subjected to a socio-semiotic analysis. Last but not least, there will be a comparison of results...

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