The topic of this thesis is "Comparison of foreign aid of USA and China with the concentration on the region of Latin America". In the past several years, the foreign aid of People's Republic of China has grown dramatically to the region of Latin America and Caribbean. The United States is a traditional donor and Latin America is its long-term sphere of influence. Until recently, China had been recognized more as a foreign aid receiver, not as a donor. However, since the beginning of the 21st century, China has massively increased the support of developing economies. China, as an emerging donor, is not very transparent and it is very hard to estimate its future. Chinese government treats the foreign aid data as a national secret and it releases only very comprehensive data. As states, USA and China are very different, from historical or economical point of view, both have different political regimes, or standards of living. This work aims to point out the similarities and differences between the two countries and their motivation to provide foreign aid to Latin-American countries. Through the qualitative comparison I would like to prove/disprove two hypothesis: 1) Both countries provide foreign aid to develop the region of Latin America, however, both have different motivation - while for USA the...

As democracy promotion has become an increasingly important aspect on the agenda of foreign aid donors, and since such prioritization of funding comes at the expense of other development areas, it is arguably of interest for donors as well as researchers to investigate its actual impact on democratization. This study endeavors to examine the influence of two types of foreign assistance that could potentially contribute to a democratic development, directlythrough democracy support and indirectly through aid focused on education. Four models of regression analysis are applied on a data set of 65 developing countries receiving Official Development Assistance (ODA), during the period of 2006–2018. The findings of this study are inconclusive in determining the influence of these aid types, as the main results show no significant effects on the Freedom House grading of the recipient countries. Yet, when using an alternative measurement, the Democracy Index, directly focused democracy support appears to have a slight positive and significant impact on democratization. These results should however be interpreted with caution due to the risk of reversed causality.

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The purpose of this thesis is to show the existing quantitative tool (model) measuring the true grant-value of foreign aid, expand that model somewhat to arrive at least at reasonably accurate input factors which are otherwise difficult to evaluate, and to document China's foreign aid program on a recipient by recipient basis, both in terms of its nature and its estimated grant-components.

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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War are widely recognized as watershed events in the history of world affairs. Decision-makers and scholars in many fields are only beginning to understand the profound shifts and realignments in global political and economic relationships in a post-Cold War world. An important link between the United States and the former Soviet republics is the foreign assistance program in the region, since assistance efforts often serve as an important lens through which to view strategic relationships between nations. This evaluative policy research explores that link through qualitative case studies of three US Agency for International Development (USAID) projects in the region. Each qualitative case study represents a distinct approach to foreign assistance delivery in the region: classical technical assistance (represented by ZdravReform in contracts with Abt Associates), formal site partnership (in cooperative agreements with the American International Health Alliance), and experimental technology (a cooperative agreement with the former Selentec, Inc.). Three policy context chapters (Chapters I, II, and III) introduce the case studies, in which historical trends of the assistance effort and of the domestic foreign policy-making framework in Washington, DC, are highlighted. A final chapter (VII) examines the findings from the study and recommends a refocusing of the foreign assistance effort in the NIS toward more long-term developmental strategies. Theoretical and methodological assumptions in the study are informed by the constructionist approach to policy evaluation described by Guba and Lincoln (1989). This broad approach assumes that different constructions or interpretations exist concerning the nature and goals of projects. Unlike typical project evaluations, this approach does not assume that stakeholders in projects share common perceptions of the expected goals for and outcomes of their projects. Constructionist approaches to qualitative study fall within the interpretative stream of social science explored by theorists and researchers from a number of disciplines (Geertz, 1973; Denzin, 1992; Hammersley, 1989; Bruner, 1990). More specific conceptual assumptions also are explored in Chapter I, drawn from the literature on institutional research . Emphasis is placed in the evaluative analysis on how effectively conflicts that arose among the multiple stakeholders in each project were addressed.

This thesis considers whether donor countries that contribute with foreign aid to a recipientcountry also contribute with peacekeeping troops. The question is premised on the idea thatforeign aid serves as a proxy for national interest. Employing rigorous regression analysis witha high-dimensional fixed effects linear estimator, the study analyses a comprehensive datasetof country dyads that covers 30 year (1990-2019) and comprises 157 donor/origin countriesand 43 recipient/destination countries. I find a positive and significant relationship betweenforeign aid and troop, indicating that that sending foreign aid to a country is positivelyassociated with an increase in sending peacekeeping troops to that country.

The first chapter examines donors’ motives for allocating foreign health aid. Do donor countries allocate foreign aid according to their economic interests or the needs of recipient countries?”. This paper analyzes the relevance of the donor country’s government ideology – namely, where it fits on the political spectrum – on how much its aid agencies can be influenced by industrial interest groups. Specifically, I follow Suzuki (2020) and consider to what extent countries with large pharmaceutical sectors structure aid so that recipient countries buy more pharmaceuticals. However, I allow results to differ not only on how autonomous aid agencies are in the donor countries but on whether the ruling government is left or right/center. Using a fractional logit model, the result shows that neither government ideology nor the structure of aid agencies is sufficient on its own in determining health aid allocation (either for economic interest or for the needs of the recipient countries). The allocation of foreign aid is dependent on the combination of government ideology and the structure of the aid agency. Also, regardless of the structure of the aid agency, a government with a right/center political ideology allocates more aid to basic needs than a left party. In the second Chapter, the paper considers to what extent infant mortality lessens for those near a facility financed by development aid. Using geocodes, the study matches household-level data taken from the Bangladesh Demographic and Health Surveys to the location of these aid-backed facilities. Therefore, this paper investigates if proximity to an aid-financed facility enhances the chances of infant survival at the sub-national level. Using a difference-in-difference strategy, the results indicate that geographical proximity to active aid projects reduces infant mortality. In addition, there is evidence of biases in the allocation of aid as the study shows that aid projects are established in areas that on average have lower infant mortality than non-aid locations. The result concludes that while aid is effective in reducing infant mortality in areas where development aid projects are established, there are biases in the allocation as aid is not reaching those that need it the most. The third chapter examines to what extent foreign direct investments worsen environmental pollution. Many see Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) as a source of economic development, income growth, and employment in developing countries. However, FDI could also cause pollution, hurting the environment and harming health. According to past studies, there appears to be no consensus on whether FDI has a positive or negative effect on the host’s environment in developing countries. Using a panel of 48 Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries, this study examines to what extent inflows of FDI lead to greater pollution using carbon dioxide as a measure of pollution. To the best of my knowledge, this is the first attempt to study this issue for a group of sub-Saharan African countries from 1990 to 2018. The results from fixed effects models show that FDI has no effect on pollution in Sub-Saharan African Countries. These results do not support the Pollution Haven Hypothesis, suggesting that polluting industries leave countries where environmental regulations are strict to re-establish themselves in countries with lax environmental oversight. Given that many African countries are deemed to have ineffective governance (and so presumably less able to enforce environmental standards), the lack of a positive association is especially striking. However, the results show a significant positive relationship between FDI and pollution in more democratic countries while FDI pollutes less in countries that are less democratic.