This diploma thesis points to the barriers which impede backward African countries in economic development. It sees an imperfect institutional environment of the poor countries as a major issue. It outlines the problems on specific cases of Rwanda, Botswana and Kenya and it also suggests possible solutions for overcoming persisting poverty. The first chapter focuses on explanation of development theories and effectiveness of foreign aid. The next chapter regards economic development from the institutional point of view. Moreover, it presents the theoretical concept of property rights as the main factor of economic prosperity. The last theoretical chapter describes a role of government and its effect and effect of interest groups on the economy of particular country. The economic policy development of concrete African countries is discribed in analytical part of the thesis. In conclusion of the work the particular findings are summed up and furthemore, the certain solutions which should help to overcome big poverty in poor African countries are offered.

本論文之研究目的在探討對外援助對台灣的重要性，並以南韓作為比較分析，因兩國有高度相似的援外發展歷史。台灣與南韓已成功由受援國躍升為援助國，此研究著重於其近十年來的援助情形，目的是了解台灣援外的優劣勢以提供未來發展的展望。作者採用質性研究方法，邀請台灣援外的從業人員以及外交學者進行半結構式訪談。結果顯示，外交是台灣的首要關注，然而南韓則是出自經濟利益考量，鎖定特定的開發中國家。台灣擁有成功的發展經驗和優秀的人力資源，但是也面臨難解的困境，像是對邦交國的過度在意、衰退的經濟、以及兩岸關係的起伏跌宕。藉由解析南韓的援外狀況與專家訪談的回饋，研究者提供以下建議，企盼為台灣援外帶來改變的契機:建立多面向的援外系統、尋求商業機會、促進公私部門合作、穩定台海關係、帶動經濟復甦、創造雙贏的援外模式。 / This study intended to identify the importance of foreign aid to Taiwan while South Korea served as a benchmark due to their high-level of similarity in developmental history. The focus was their donor behaviors in recent years and a literature review was conducted to understand related concepts and the two nations’ aid experiences. The goal of this project was to examine the advantages and disadvantages of Taiwanese aid so as to look into its future prospects. A qualitative method was adopted through semi-structured interviews with diplomacy professors and aid practitioners. South Korea pivots to certain developing countries for their economic value, while diplomacy has been Taiwan’s top priority. Developmental success and human resources are Taiwan's strengths but its overemphasis on diplomacy, deteriorating economy, and wavering ties with China cause obstacles. A review of South Korean aid along with the interviewee’s response suggest several ways to improve: building a multidimensional aid system, seeking economic opportunities, forming public-private partnerships, stabilizing cross-strait ties, boosting economic recovery, and pursuing a win-win. The research findings shed light on Taiwan’s aid conditions and offer valuable policy recommendations.

In capital-scarce low income economies, the lack of attractiveness to private foreign investment implies that the only readily available source of external financing for economic development has to come from foreign aid which normally comes with an altruistic motive. However, despite long history of aid-giving to low income countries and especially Sub-Saharan Africa, evidence of effectiveness of such assistance has remained debatable, particularly with the dominance of cross-country studies in such enquiry. With yet no existing country study for Sierra Leone, a typical aid dependent country, this research investigates the relationship between donor intervention (in their aid disbursement) and the development outcomes of economic growth and poverty reduction in the country. In conducting such an enquiry, the study proposed three objectives. The first examines the relationship between aid and economic growth. The second objective investigates the relationship between aid and poverty reduction considering two variants of poverty reduction: improvement of pro-poor growth and aggregate human welfare. The final objective assesses the effect of domestic politics on aid’s effectiveness in improving human welfare. Arising from a pluralistic analytical framework involving a triangulation of econometric estimation approaches complemented with qualitative enquiry, the study finds that aid to Sierra Leone is significant in promoting economic growth in the country. In terms of the impact on poverty, the results show that foreign aid to Sierra Leone has significantly improved long-run pro-poor growth in the country, but this impact could not be confirmed in the short-run. With respect to the other strand of poverty, the study finds that though aid may have not improved human well-being in Africa, it is found to significantly improve human development in Sierra Leone, though the evidence could not support its reduction of infant mortality rate as a second indicator of human well-being. Finally, for the investigation of the link between aid, politics and human development in Sierra Leone, the study finds that though aid is significant in directly improving human development in the country, yet pro-democratic politics (as against autocratic regimes) can also be good a policy option for aid‘s impact on human development in the country. Accounting for disaggregation bias of foreign aid, the study finds that whilst grants seem to consistently improve economic growth, pro-poor growth and human welfare, the study could not find strong evidence to suggest that technical assistance and loans likewise improve economic development the country. The impact of food aid on pro-poor growth is found to be moderate in conformity with the study’s hypothesis. Concluding from the analysis, it is evident in the case of Sierra Leone that the supplemental theories largely hold that foreign aid is vital in the promotion of a country’s economic development. Hence, the intervention of donors in the economy of Sierra Leone has not seemed to be in vain, but has rather proved to be largely useful. It implies that Sierra Leone’s persistent poverty characterisation amidst notable donor presence and participation in the country’s economy has little to do with the fact that foreign aid has not been effective in promoting the country’s economic development, but it may however be that the magnitude of the effect may not have been that high to completely eradicate poverty. The study’s identification of the most effective types of aid as well the realisation of political stability and democracy for enhanced effectiveness of aid in the country could be crucial if the economic significance of foreign aid is to be improved in Sierra Leone.

This thesis attends the problem of institutional and political structure in a post-war economy of Lebanon. Lebanon was one of the countries in the Near east, which tried to apply principles known as Washington consensus. On this case we try to demonstrate the problem which appeared also in other countries of the world, where the same set of principles was applied and it was the insufficient attention dedicated to the issue of informal networks. We pay special attention to a confessional system in Lebanon which is based on division of powers on the basis of religion. This type of political structure produces creation of informal networks which substitute state apparatus and instigate corruption. The thesis proposes a modification of Lebanese system which will treat the institutional background with greater attention.

My master's thesis deals with a form of soft power and foreign policy, the development aid. In the three chapters I provide an analysis of the potential impacts of such financial flows in the particular case of Haiti. This country has become an exemplar of the fact that even billions of dollars do not have to contribute to improving the economic and living conditions, on the contrary, aid in combination with incorrectly set policies can become an instrument of destruction. Using econometric models and policy analysis I examine the impact of official development assistance on the political, economic, environmental and social sector. At the end of the work I list recommendations for the future, which could contribute to improving the situation.

How does respect for human rights affect the disbursement of food aid by US foreign policymakers? Scholars analyzing foreign aid generally look at only total economic aid, military aid or a combination of both. However, for a more nuanced understanding of human rights as a determinant of foreign aid, the discrete foreign aid programs must be examined. By disentangling component-programs from total aid, this analysis demonstrates how human rights influence policymakers by allowing them to distribute food aid to human rights abusing countries. Consequently, policymakers can promote strategic objectives with food aid, while legally restricted from distributing other aid. The primary theoretical argument, which links increasing human rights abuse with increasing food aid, is supported by results from a Heckman model. This procedure models the two-stage decision-making process where foreign policymakers first, select countries for aid and then, distribute aid to those selected.

When do foreign influence attempts succeed in obtaining concessions from targeted states, and why do they so often fail? Powerful states employ a broad range of foreign policy tools in their dealings with other countries, but their ability to successfully exert power varies. This project seeks an explanation for the patchy record of foreign aid and economic sanctions in the political incentives of targeted leaders. Understanding the process of foreign policy success and failure requires considering both the effect of intervention on leader survival and the domestic cost of providing concessions. In both respects, the type of sanction interacts with targets' domestic context. Dynamic trends in leadership experience and political support, strength of political opposition, and regime type condition both the probability of sanctions' effectively tapping into target incentives and the difficulty of providing concessions. My framework and analyses push beyond standard conceptualizations of leader incentives and foreign policy in several ways. The theory unites positive and negative strategies rather than treating them as divergent phenomena. I also break the traditional dichotomy of democratic and autocratic regimes, modeling dynamic political processes and explicitly incorporating the political opposition. I pursue a multi-stage modeling technique which more faithfully represents the strategic encounters between sending and targeted states and furthers our understanding of the interplay between external demands and domestic political incentives. The findings suggest many strategies utilized for targeting aid and economic sanctions may be faulty. Sending states' best bet for achieving concession may be to target leaders whose place in office is very secure, yet empirically they pursue the opposite strategy. Contrary to much theory in the literature, I also find that even ineffective negative sanctions can achieve success provided the target faces few domestic challenges. The probability of concession also increases when states demand concessions of a diffuse and symbolic nature, rather than changes to the status quo which would hurt a private domestic interest. A strong political opposition magnifies the relative ease of public-costs concessions, suggesting that challenging parties compete for the favor of elites rather than championing the public interest.

No description available.

Analyzing the various factors that strengthened the Hashemite regime's stability during the spread of chaos caused by the Arab Spring is deemed important; even though the wave of the Arab Spring has ended, Jordan's economy is still suffering and the public is still demanding reform nonetheless, the Hashemite regime is untouched. This research will analyze the regime-society bond in light of the Arab Uprising that has undoubtedly assisted in the survival of the kingdom by creating a framework by which protesters unconsciously adhered to that entailed calls for political and economic reform to be initiated by the existing regime. Furthermore, the Hashemite's most powerful allies made sure to provide military and financial assistance to ensure the regime and the kingdoms remain secure and stable. However, such aid did not come without a price; it was critical for the Hashemite regime to balance between maintaining its coordinated strategies with its allies to maintain the close relations and maintaining its sovereignty and the foreign policies that serve national interests.

China’s presence in Africa has increased phenomenally over the last six years. Chinese high-level visits have intensified, investment from China on the continent has soared, trade between the two regions has quintupled and perhaps most startling of all China has cancelled US$1.27 billion worth of debt to African countries. The extent at which China is engaged in Africa today would not have been possible had it not been for the relationship China nurtured from the very beginning between the two regions. China’s aid has been used to induce the establishment of diplomatic relations with African states and once diplomatic relations have been established, aid is used to ensure the establishment of strategically, lucrative economic agreements. This study will examine China’s aid policies in Africa from the 1950s through to the twenty-first century and aims to assess how foreign aid as a foreign policy tool has furthered China’s national interest in Africa.