Uppsatsen behandlar en besvärlig politisk debatt mellan Gudrun Schyman och Jimmie Åkesson som hölls strax innan riksdagsvalet 2014 i SVT:s Aktuellt. De respektive debattörerna uppfattades som mycket hetska i sin argumentation och debatten mottogs som bråkig och präglad av angrepp. Uppsatsen syftar till att ta reda på vad som gick fel i debatten, vad det är som gör att den upplevs som just bråkig. Med hjälp av pragmadialektisk fallasianalys utrönas argumentationens svagheter som i sin tur ger ett svar på frågeställningen. Det tungsta resultatet av undersökningen visar att Åkesson bryter mot relevansregeln och ståndpunktregeln, vilket betyder att han avleder uppmärksamheten från ämnet samt förvränger Schymans ståndpunkt i debatten. Detta ger upphov till en stigande irritation från Schymans sida, som då i sin tur bryter mot frihetsregeln och går till personangrepp mot Åkesson. Schymans argumentation är övervägande mer logiskt giltig än Åkessons, men svagheten i hennes argumentation är lättare för gemene lyssnare att upptäcka: att gå till personangrepp är ett mer explicit brott än att försöka avleda uppmärksamheten från ämnet, vilket gör att Schymans mer logiskt giltiga argumentation hamnar i skuggan av denna irritation. Åkesson provocerar således fram dessa personangrepp från Schymans sida genom sina brott mot idealen i argumentationdekalogen vilket föder bråkigheten mellan dem.

Based upon feminist organized women's experiences of resistance and political acting space, this study investigates what is possible to say and do (and not do), as well as which issues can be politicized (and which cannot) in the Swedish municipal policy. More specifically it analyzes in which spaces women face resistance, who are expressing it, and how it is manifested. Moreover, it discusses which political content that can be formulated, politicized, and implemented in the local political area. It is based on interviews with representatives from the political party Feminist initiative, and builds on previous research on resistance against women's extra-parliamentary political organizing. Previous research has suggested that the organization in itself evokes resistance. Nevertheless, this study shows that it is the political content, rather than the organizing, that arouses resistance. The combination of women who organize themselves as women and runs an anti-racist policy seems to be the most provocative. This thesis also shows that it is possible to politicize gender issues – unless they are not labeled as feminist issues. The concept of “gender equality” can be used, but not “feminism”. There are opportunities to talk about equality if it is formulated in terms of gender neutrality and equal treatment. It is possible to talk about gender when it comes to gender equality, but it is not allowed to permeate other policy areas. And concrete policy proposals can be formulated, unless the political discussion is not conducted at a more visionary and ideological level. While there are policies which can be implemented on condition that they are not formulated in feminist terms, there are also policies which could be expressed, but subsequently will not be implemented due to opposition from the administration.

Feminist initiative – an idea analysis. On the fourth of April in the year 2005 Feministic initiative (Fi) was created, it was an main response to the slow changes in the Swedish society, which claimed to establish an equal society. Equality has become one of the major indicators of a contemporary democratic society. The Swedish government has long proclaimed to reach this goal, but even though Sweden currently lies in the front among the democratic societies, while you consider equality issues, especially between the sexes, there is still a lot that need to be done in the Swedish society. Feministic initiative began as an organization and established a political party and participated in the election during the year 2006, but failed to reach a place in the parliament. Recently Feministic initiative said that they will participate in the upcoming election in the year 2010. It made me wonder which feministic ideals that Feministic initiative actually practices. Feminism is a broad ideology, and a reaction against the society that claims to be democratic but systematically oppresses women. This oppression created feminism; but there is different views of feminism, my main objective in this paper is to present a few different feministic directions. These are, radicalfeminism, marxistic feminism, liberalfeminism, socialistic feminism, post-modernfeminism and black (women’s) feminism. From these theories will I create a analyze frame and try to locate different kinds of feministic ideas within Feministic initiatives policy documents called F! for a feministic policy, election manifest and platform for Feministic initiative Thus, the main focus in this paper to do an idea analyze and focus on Feministic initiative, do they really use the different ideas expressed within the different types of feminism that I consider in this paper in a equal manner? The conclusion is that Feministic initiative is tendentious, Feministic initiative uses ideas, perspectives and expressions that are typical for radicalfeminism more than they use ideas, perspectives and expressions from other types of feminism.

The Swedish political party Feministiskt initiativ, because of their name, gives a hint of connection to feminism as a theory. Therefore, the aim of the essay is to look for similarities and differences between liberal feminism, radical feminism and marxist/socialist feminism compared to Feministiskt initiativ ́s politics. Focusing on the party's platform from the year 2005 and their party program from the year 2021. The questions asked in the essay are: “What similarities and differences are there between the basic ideas and approaches of liberal feminism, radical feminism and marxist/socialist feminism compared to the politics of the Feministiskt initiativ?” and “What has the development of the Feministiskt initiativ parties politics looked like?.” The approach of this study has been a qualitative idea analysis. The theory for the essay is three different feminist orientations, liberal feminism, radical feminism and marxist/socialist feminism. These different theories are going to be compared to Feministiskt initiativ ́s politics. For every theory there are both similarities and differences to the Swedish political party Feministiskt initiativ. For some, there are more similarities and for others there are more differences, but they do all have both.The similarities and differences can also be connected to the development of the political party Feministiskt initiativ.