Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2009. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 314-337). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR51682

Firefighters providing emergency services to the public are involved with some of the most tragic aspects of the boundary between life and death, often in a context over which they have little or no control. The outcome of this may be that stress at work and at home are without doubt the reason that highly qualified and loyal firefighters give themselves over to alcohol or drug abuse, extramarital relationships and suicidal thoughts. The general aim of the research is to evaluate job and family stress amongst firefighters in the South African context, and to use the results in developing a developmental/counselling programme for firefighters and their families. The research is quantitative and qualitative, consisting of a survey design and a phenomenological design. Three measuring instruments were used, namely the Biographical questionnaire, the Experience of Work and Life Circumstances questionnaire, and the Stress questionnaire. Task characteristics, organisational functioning, physical working conditions and job equipment, career and social matters, remuneration, fringe benefits and personnel policy were identified as causes of job stress originating within the work situation. Interviews were conducted to determine how these firefighters experience job and family stress. Marital dysfunction and divorce, limited time with the family, problems with children, alcohol and drug abuse, lack of exercise, suicide, anger aimed at family members, physical and emotional exhaustion, lonely marital partners, unavailability to help the family when needed and depression were identified as causes of family stress arising outside the work situation. The main recommendation is to implement a developmental/counselling job and family stress programme. The programme can be instituted to enhance the wellness and psychological health of firefighters and their families, or for counselling of firefighters and their families who are experiencing job and/or family stress. The multi-dimensionality and flexibility make this programme unique and one of its kind in the South African context. / Indust and Org Psychology / DLITT ET PHIL (IND & ORG PS)

Magister Sport, Recreation and Exercise Science - MSRES / The work demands involved in fire-fighting place significant stress on the cardiovascular system. Cardiovascular disease is the leading cause of on-duty death among fire fighters and is a major cause of morbidity. This study investigated the prevalence of coronary artery disease risk factors among career fire fighters in the Western Cape.

La notion de camaraderie irradie l’ensemble des discours produits après la Grande Guerre, qu’ils émanent des autorités, des historiens, souvent rescapés du conflit ou du monde ancien combattant. Unité, solidarité, fraternité sont autant de valeur que porterait l’expérience du front. Les sources directes produites au plus près de l’événement en particulier, récits sous forme de lettres, carnets ou « discours visuels » de la photographie privée invitent pourtant à donner de l’épaisseur à une notion héritée d’une mise en scène de la guerre. En ce sens, les expressions de la camaraderie par les mots, comme l’observation des pratiques relationnelles combattantes, autour du partage de l’abri, de la nourriture, des rites de convivialité, laisse entrevoir, au-delà d’une même inscription dans la guerre qui dure, une fragmentation des groupes et des expériences, une inégalité des situations. Les identités en guerre, sociales et militaires, semblent en effet des facteurs puissants de construction, activation ou réactivation des liens sociaux qui se déploient à plusieurs échelles. Déterminant par là des cercles de camaraderies superposés, plus ou moins intenses, qui laissent aussi une certaine place à la reconnaissance de l’ennemi comme camarade. Au final, la violence qui pèse sur les hommes sous l’uniforme est ressentie de la même manière par les groupes combattants et le découpage « arrière/front » cristallise les rancunes et participe à l’élaboration du « mythe » de la fraternité. Mais la multiplicité des liens relationnels tissés et les réseaux qui permettent aux soldats-combattants de s’adapter à la guerre, font aussi prendre conscience, à un niveau macro-politique, de l’inexistence de l’égalité rêvée, prônée par la République et le discours officiel. / The notion of ‘camaraderie’ has irradiated the whole discourses delivered after the Great War, either by the government or by historians- often war survivors or by veterans. Unity, solidarity and fraternity are values enhanced by fighting at the front. Direct sources issued straight after the event itself, narratives such as letters, diaries or « visual discourses » from private photographs tend to emphasize a notion stemming from a staging of the war.Therefore, works dealing with ‘camaraderie’ - like the observation of the fighters' relationship as regards sharing the shelter, food or the rites of conviviality, give us – though all inscribing within the topic of the lasting war, a glimpse of a fragmentation of the groups and the experiences, as well as unequal situations.During the war, identities, notably the social ones, are indeed strong factors of construction, activation or reactivation of social bonds which deploy at multiple levels, thus defining superimposed, more or less intense circles of camaraderie which also leave room for acknowledging the enemy as a comrade.Finally, if the violence that weighs on men under their uniforms is felt the same way, the multiplicity of relational bonds weave networks allowing soldiers-fighters to adapt to the war while realizing at the macro-political level the non-existence of the dream of equality advocated by the Republic and the official discourse, except - and yet again reinforcing the gap - against the world of the rear which crystallizes grudges and takes part in generating the “myth” of fraternity at the front.

Diploma thesis The Russian Approach to the Process of Disengagement of the Returning Foreign Fighters is dealing with the issue of terminating one's membership and participation on activities of the terrorist organizations abroad in the context of the Russian Federation. The aim of the thesis is to fill the gap in the research which has neglected the Russian approach. The thesis is working with the theoretical knowledge of the current research on disengagement and transfers it to the state level. The approach of the Russian Federation to the process of disengagement is analysed within the categories of hard and soft measures which are being implemented by the Russian Federation in connection with the disengagement of the foreign fighters returning from Syria and Iraq mainly to the North Caucasian region. Based on the balance between hard and soft measures, the complexity of the Russian approach is being assessed. The approach of the Russian Federation to the process of disengagement of the foreign fighters is varied on the federal and within the regional level as well. The federal level approach is strictly based on hard measures and involuntary disengagement of the returning foreign fighters. The regional level in cases of Chechnya, North Ossetia, Stavropol region and Karachay-Cherkessia is...

Between 2011 and 2019 around 900 British citizens left the United Kingdom to travel to Syria and join militant groups such as the Islamic State (ISIS) (EPRS, 2018, p.33). After the fall of the so-called caliphate the issue of prosecuting and/or bringing citizens back was widely debated in Europe, especially in the UK, who was accused of taking a drastic measure to the dilemma, causing a political rift in the nation (NPR, 2019). At the center of the debate, both in the media and in parliament, was a young woman called Shamima Begum, who was deprived of her UK citizenship in 2019. This event lead to a debate on human rights and if Begum had had hers violated (The Times, 2019). Previous research has shown that the ethical media discourse on human rights is multifaced, contested and strong in its ability to incite certain worldviews in society (Sampaio, 2016, p.2). Furthermore, previous studies argue that women tend to be framed differently from men in the media when they are involved in conflict, terror or war (Sjöberg & Gentry, 2007, p.30). In addition to this, western media tends to use Muslim women as a symbol of difference by stereotyping them in terms of culture and religion (Brown, 2011, p.716). This study aims to trace the width and depth of UK media’s discourse on human rights issues and the debate on foreign fighters over the political spectrum, through the case of Shamima Begum. Building off of framing theory and previous research on the framing of females and Islam, it asks how the Guardian and the Times, two national British newspapers, prioritizes the aspect of human rights in their reporting on Begum’s case. This by asking what frames they construct and how these frames compare and differ between the two outlets and the years 2015 and 2019. The material, constituted by articles and images, was analyzed on the base of Critical Discourse Analysis and Framing theory. The results find four different frames used. These frames are the Naïve victim, the Imperfect victim, ISIS radicalisation and the Willing ISIS devotee. The frames propose opposite standpoints of the newspapers both in their view on Begum and her guilt, and ultimately her human rights, perhaps aligning their discourse with the polarized political one in the UK. The study also shows that aspects connected to Begum’s gender and religion to some extent are prioritized in the framing of her, ultimately affecting the view of her end her fundamental rights as a human being.

Women in combat roles are present in at least 40% of armed rebellion movements, yet the narrative of women outside of traditional roles in conflict is invisible in various discursive communities of practice. Silence and misrecognition are the root of this issue: to be considered as agents and full partners of social interaction, female combatants need to exist in the discourse of leaders and institutions. Embedded in the feminist IR theory, I utilise Critical Discourse Analysis and Feminist Poststructuralist Discourse Analysis to unveil the extent of recognition given to female fighters in data internal and external to conflicts. United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820 and 1889 are analysed to explore whether women are institutionally ‘allowed’ to exist as agents in war beyond the roles of victim and peacemaker. Analysis of discourse from the Zapatista Army of National Liberation and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party then serves to dive deeper into the recognition of female fighters by the leaders of armed struggle movements. Despite the ambitions of gender equality of all three actors, the research reveals that a greater level of feminist ideology seems to exceptionalise female combatants, thus not including and recognising them to the same extent as men.

Thesis (LLM.) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / Although the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 does not specifically make reference to the phrase “separation of powers”, the constitutional scheme, however, subscribes to the doctrine of separation of powers. The manner in which the Constitution allocates powers and functions to the different organs of the state is indicative of the application of the doctrine of separation of powers. This study was aimed at investigating whether the separation of powers principle was not trampled upon in the light of the decision in EFF2. The study finds that there was judicial overreach in EEF2. The majority judgment encroached into the exclusive domain of Parliament. The court, in exercising its checks and balances role, failed to observe its own constitutional limits by dictating how Parliament should run its affairs. The study recommends that courts must respect the duties and functions of other organs of the state. Courts must understand that each organ of the state has a duty to perform. Only when an organ of the state has performed a duty or function in a manner that offends or violates the Constitution can the court intervene.

This study examined the influence of factors on transfer of training and was based on the work of Broad and Newstrom (1992). For the purpose of this study the Broad and Newstrom (1992) transfer of training barriers are rephrased into positive statements. The nine transfer of training factors are: (1) reinforcement on the job; (2) little interference from immediate (work) environment; (3) supportive organizational culture; (4) trainees' perception of training programs being practical; (5) trainees' perception of relevant training content; (6) trainees' being comfortable with change and associated effort; (7) trainer being supportive and inspiring; (8) trainees' perception of training being well designed/delivered, and (9) peer support. This study explored the degree to which these factors influenced transfer of training in terms of on-the-job application. The study found supportive organizational culture to be the strongest predictor of transfer of training to on-the-job application. In addition, the degree of influence of Broad and Newstrom's (1992) nine factors varied with the thirteen locations. The study also found perception gaps between fire fighter trainees and their supervisor on factors influencing transfer of training. They differed on four factors: Supportive organizational culture, Perception of training programs being practical, Trainer being supportive and inspiring, and Perception of training being well designed/delivered.

Why do women and children join insurgency groups? The subject has been a matter of extensive debate, with experts offering theories of motivation on well-known groups such as the National Liberation Front (FLN) or the Irish Republican Army (IRA). However, there has been a small amount of work comparing two insurgency groups and their participants to one another. This paper addresses the underlying reasons for why women and children join insurgencies, explicitly focusing on the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in Turkey from their origins to the present. The paper uses interviews from other scholarly works on the two groups and their participants. In doing this, the paper showcases that despite differences across geographic location and each group's motivation, there are similar indicators that motivate women and children to join insurgency groups. This paper finds that women and children are primarily motivated to join the FARC because of harsh gender inequality and economic poverty. Regarding women and children joining the PKK, their motivations primarily concern ethnic discrimination and gender inequality. The implications of this research will provide information about dynamics leading large numbers of women and children to join violent organizations. Furthermore, it will find that despite regional differences and group’s overall goals, there are universal motivating factors, like gender inequality, which influence women and children to participate in political violence.