I Sverige är ramavtal ett effektivt och populärt upphandlingsinstrument. Ramavtalets syfte är att fastställda de villkor som ska gälla för framtida tilldelning av kontrakt och kan användas när en upphandlande myndighet med viss rimlighet kan förutse ett behov och vill planera inför framtida inköp. Ett ramavtal är flexibelt för en upphandlande myndighet eftersom ramavtalet inte måste fastställa en viss volym utan ska ange uppskattad volym om möjligt. Ett kontrakt i upphandlingsrättslig mening avser ett avtal som fastställer de ekonomiska villkoren för en fak-tisk anskaffning av upphandlingsföremålet. Enligt svensk rätt utgör ett kontrakt viss prestation mot viss ersättning. Vid upphandling av vissa avtal kan det vara svårt att utläsa huruvida avtalet utgör ett kontrakt eller ramavtal. Enligt kammarrättspraxis sker bedömningen av vilken typ av avtal som förelig-ger i två steg. Det första steget är att undersöka om avtalet utgör viss prestation mot viss ersätt-ning, det vill säga om den upphandlande myndigheten åtar sig att köpa viss kvantitet. I det andra steget görs bedömningen om åtagandet utgör det övervägande värdet i avtalet. Om åta-gandet utgör övervägande del föreligger ett kontrakt, annars föreligger ett ramavtal. Med an-ledning av att ramavtal i regel bara får löpa under fyra år kan upphandlingen behöva göras om ifall avtalet anger en längre löptid än tillåtet. Ett avtal där den upphandlande myndigheten inte fastställer hela volymen riskerar således att utgöra ett ramavtal enligt svensk rätt, trots att den upphandlande myndighetens syfte varit att upphandla ett kontrakt. Bedömningen av huruvida ett kontrakt föreligger kan kritiseras på grund av den svenska rättens snäva distinktion av vad som utgör ett ramavtal respektive kontrakt. Med anledning av att ramavtal finns i olika former finns det anledning till att kontraktbegreppet torde kunna vara vidare än vad svensk rätt ger uttryck för. Den svenska rättens uttryck för skillnaden mellan kontrakt och ramavtal behöver numer även ses i ljuset av nytt prejudikat från EU-domstolen. Domstolen fastställde att ett ramavtal måste ange vilken kvantitet som kan komma att bli aktuell beträffande de efterkommande tilldelning-arna av kontrakt. På grund av att volymen ska vara väl underbyggd inskränks ramavtalets flex-ibilitet och distinktionen mot ett kontrakt stramas åt. Domstolens avgörande ger snarare upphov till frågor än svar eftersom domen är oklar i flera avseenden. Domens tillämplighet i praktiken kan därför få konsekvenser för både ramavtalets möjligheter och begränsningar.

Machinery industry is the engine of the industrialization for a nation. During the last four decades of industrial development in Taiwan, machinery industry has played a key leading role. With an overall production value at NT$680 billion in 2009, the Taiwanese machinery industry ranks among the top 20 nations worldwide. Its tooling machines and carpentry machines etc. are ranked in the global top 5 exporting countries. Mainland China (including Hong Kong), with increasingly importance, is currently the number one export destination as well as the number three country of origin for imports for the Taiwanese machinery industry. With the cross-strait relations becoming progressively more close, Taiwan and the Mainland are about to sign the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA). ECFA will serve as Taiwan¡¦s breakthrough in the country¡¦s participation in regional cooperation, promote its signing of Free Trade Agreement with other countries, and stimulate its economic development further. The signing of ECFA will enable the machinery industry in Taiwan to benefit and prosper from a huge Mainland market. It will also likely to cause some in the industry to stumble because of massive cheap Mainland imports. This research has studied the key competitive factors for corporations, the competitive situation and operations issues of the machinery industry in Taiwan. By conducting a survey on the senior managers of the machinery industry we understand what their current status, problems and competitive strategies are. Through the insight gained we hope to provide a blueprint for the machinery industry and the subject company reviewed to better their competitive strategies after ECFA is signed across the straits. This research has confirmed that in an ever increasingly competitive industry such as the machinery industry, any company wants to continue to make money and grow sustainably, it is vital to always adapt to the environment and adjust its competitive strategies. After the signing of the ECFA across the straits, the machinery industry together with many other industries in Taiwan will benefit from the lowering of the tariffs and favorably gain access to the Mainland market. Hence a good opportunity for all companies concerned to make the best of the cross-straits cooperation this time around, further their investment in China and further their competitiveness globally.

Thesis (LL. M.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in Law. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-237). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ66408.

Bakgrund och problem: Bakgrunden till denna studie är Statistiska Centralbyråns uppmärksammande om att kommunala gymnasieskolor har 7000 kronor dyrare kostnad per elev än den fristående gymnasieskolan. En av de bidragande faktorerna till att kostnaden är lägre hos fristående skolor kan vara att de har en mer effektiv inköpsprocess. Tidigare studier beskriver fristående skolornas situation som mer flexibel medan de kommunala skolorna präglas av mer byråkrati. Den problemformulering vi förhållit oss till var: Vad finns det för skillnad i inköpsprocessen vid kommunala respektive fristående skolor som leder till att kommunala skolor har en högre kostnad per elev? Syfte: Syftet med studien är att utifrån en komparativ fallstudie finna de likheter och skillnader som återfinns i inköpsprocessen hos de olika skolverksamheterna. Därefter analyseras orsaker till inköpsrelaterade olikheter fram. Metod: Vi har gjort en komparativ fallstudie av inköpsprocesser i gymnasieskolor som bedrivs av offentlig sektor och privata aktörer. Vår empiri bygger på semistrukturerade intervjuer med nyckelpersoner som berörs av hur inköpen går till på skolorna. Empiri: Det empiriska resultatet visar att de aktiviteter som skiljer sig åt i inköpsprocessen är val av leverantör och tilldelning av kontrakt. De fristående skolorna har ett relationsfokus i sitt arbete med leverantörerna, något som de kommunala skolorna inte har möjlighet att skapa på grund av att de är tvingade att följa Lagen om offentlig upphandling. De fristående skolorna är mer flexibla vid val av leverantör då deras ramavtal inte är bindande. Det kan även konstateras att de fristående skolorna har ett större fokus på att hålla ner sina kostnader då de har ett vinstsyfte med sin verksamhet, medan de kommunala skolorna endast behöver sträva efter att hålla sin budget och att bedriva bra undervisning. Slutsatser: Den största uppmärksammade skillnaden vi kunnat urskilja i studie är att friskolorna arbetar på ett mer flexibelt sätt. Friskolorna bygger sina ramavtal på en kostnadsorientering där relationen till leverantören ligger i fokus. De kommunala skolorna har istället en prisorientering vid val av produkt. / Background and problem: The drawn much attention to that community schools' have 7000 Swedish Crowns higher cost per pupil than independent schools', published by Statistics Sweden, is the background to this study. One of the contributing factors to the fact that the cost is lower in independent schools' may be that they have a more efficient purchasing process. Previous studies describe the independent schools' situation more flexible, while the municipal schools' are characterized by bureaucracy. The issue to relate to was: What is the difference in the purchasing process at the municipal and independent schools, which leads to the municipal schools have a higher cost per pupil? Purpose: The purpose of the study is based on a comparative case study to find the similarities and differences found in the purchasing process of the independent school operations and the activity in municipal schools, to consequently analyze purchases related causes to differences. Method: We have made a comparative case study of the purchasing processes in secondary schools' run by the public sector and private operators. Our empirical data is collected through semi-structured interviews with key people involved in the purchasing process. Empiricism: The empiric results show that the activities that differ in the purchase process are supplier selection and contract award. The independent school has a relationship focus in its work with suppliers, something that public schools' do not have the option to create because they are forced to follow the Public Procurement Act. The independent schools' are more flexible in the choice of provider as their framework agreement is not binding. It may also be noted that the independent school has a greater focus on keeping down their costs since they have a profit with their business while municipal schools' only need to strive to keep their budget and to pursue good education. Conclusions: The biggest noticeable difference we have been able to identify in our comparative study of independents schools' purchasing process and the municipal schools' purchasing process is that independent schools' are working in a more flexible way. Independent schools are building their framework agreement on the modern approach of purchasing theory, that is through a cost-orientation, where the relationship with the supplier is in focus.

Darbe atskleidžiama preliminariosios viešųjų pirkimų sutarties instituto samprata, aptariama paskirtis, įrodoma, jog šis institutas yra specifinis ir modernus teisinis įrankis, leidžiantis optimizuoti viešųjų pirkimų procedūrų vykdymą. Darbe nuosekliai išanalizuojamas ir paaiškinamas šiuo metu galiojantis su preliminariosios viešųjų pirkimų sutarties institutu tiesiogiai/netiesiogiai susijęs teisinis reguliavimas. Ypatingas dėmesys skiriamas tų teisės normų, kurios potencialiai gali sukelti jų probleminį praktinį pritaikymą, aptarimui, taip pat pateikiama nemažai situacinių pavyzdžių ir hipotetinių problemų sprendimų variantų. / This paper deals with the conception of the Institute of Framework Agreement in Public Procurement. Purposes of concluding such agreements are discussed, the point about this institute as a specific and modern legal mean, which optimizes the performance of public procurement procedures, is substantiated. The current legal regulation of the institute of framework agreement in public procurement is analysed coherently. Ambiguous legal rules, which generate potential problems of use of these agreements in practice, are taken as one of the main topics for consideration. There are also situational examples and various hypothetical practical problems solutions proposed in this paper.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

Economic globalization at post-Cold War era brings new opportunities and challenges for economic development in each country. Regionalism is the main feature of multipolar international systems and globalization and regionalization are two main powers to push current international politics and economy development forward. Since China reformed and opened the policy in 1978, fast economic growth has made China become the regional leader to obtain regional politics and economy advantages through good-neighborly diplomacy. Moreover, ASEAN consists of medium and small countries and has to build up the safety for the Nationals and regions as so to strengthen the integration of politics and economy. Due to the painful lessons of Asian Financial Crisis in 1997, the turning point contributes both parties to establish ¡§China-ASEAN FTA¡¨ in 2010. Taiwan is located at the center of west Pacific which is the major juncture of North East Asia and Southeast Asia and has the superiority of geographical conditions. Taiwan is a trade-oriented country and Taiwan, China and ASEAN have close economic and trade relations. Taiwan depends deeply on China¡¦s economy and trade and the establishment of ¡§China-ASEAN FTA¡¨ will cause crowding effect to Taiwan¡¦s economy and trade. Due to international blockaded by China¡¦s ¡§one China¡¨ policy, ASEAN maintains separation strategy of economy and trade to Taiwan. During the economic globalization, advancing Regional Trade Agreement or allying with bilateral trade has become the strategy for each country to boost global competitiveness through regional economic integration. Therefore, stable domestic political environment is one of the main elements to affect national diplomacy and security policy. Cross-Strait relations in politics are full of complex confrontation and contradiction. After Ma Ying-jeou exercised the power, both sides opened the negotiation way and economic issues have become the most important focus. Both sides started with theory of neofunctionalism and the precondition is to put the controversy about both sides¡¦ sovereignty aside but normalize the economic and trade relations. Both sides reopened the negotiation which is the foundation to build up mutual trust and reciprocity and mutual benefit is the ultimate goal. Opposite ideology shall be put aside and Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement shall be signed to ensure the economic safety and cooperation between both sides in response to the impact of establishing ¡§China-ASEAN FTA¡¨ to settle a stable economic relation to both sides.

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Abstract Chinese civil war broke out in 1949. The Nationalist government moved to Taiwan (Chiang Kai-shek regime) and proposed "The legitimate government does not coexist with rebels" and vowed to "retake the mainland China" and also brought up other slogans as well. They also took Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu as counterattack base. Therefore, the tensions of cross-strait relations were at daggers drawn. Our government hasn¡¦t lifted the ban to the mainland China to visit relatives until 1987. In 1992, "Koo-Wang talks" for each session made a significant progress in establishing cooperation premise of the "1992 consensus". Gradually, the cross-strait relations have become moderate, but the regime of the mainland China still doesn¡¦t give up forcing against Taiwan. Since the Ma government took office in 2008, they have devoted to promoting the peaceful progress of cross-strait relations and restarting cross-strait economic cooperation and contact channels for cultural exchanges as well. The government even signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with the mainland China to prevent Taiwan from the Asian market marginalization on June 29, 2010. The new government is actively reflecting on the impasse between the two sides resulting in Taiwan's development of the stagnant status quo and brainstorm for a breakthrough in the Road; on the other hand, continued economic development of the mainland China will make their influence in the global much dramatically. In particular, Chinese President Hu Jin-Tao in Beijing proposed six new advocates to Taiwan to commemorate <Compatriots in Taiwan> in 30th anniversary commemorative meeting on December 31, 2008. The sixth point mentioned that the two sides can explore the establishment of a military security mechanism of mutual trust. They also called for the two sides to include the full range of military and other exchange, and thus achieve the signing of a peace agreement. Owing to the fact that confidence building measures is the process and catalyst for signing a peace agreement with two sides, we can accumulate experiences from cross-strait interaction and establish mutual trust by the confidence building measures. Furthermore, we can lay the foundation for further engaged in peace talks. Consequently, in the turning point of history, it goes without saying that the importance of confidence building measures.