Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 262-272). Also available on the Internet.

Avaliar a forma como interagem o chamado poder diretivo do empregador e a liberdade de expressão do empregado é o desafio que se empreende neste trabalho. Em certa medida, a eleição do tema já revela a adesão deste mestrando à corrente doutrinária que concebe existência de direitos fundamentais trabalhistas, específicos e inespecíficos, no âmbito e no universo das relações de trabalho, no caso do presente estudo, na relação de emprego. Para atingir o escopo proposto quando da escolha do tema, optamos pelo desenvolvimento de um trabalho em 6 capítulos, com análises e estudos, alguns de menor extensão, dado o caráter de coadjuvância com o tema principal, outros de maior extensão, dada a centralidade com a tarefa abraçada. Iniciamos nosso estudo com breves considerações históricas acerca do fenômeno do poder, cuidando do enquadramento conceitual e com abordagem de sua evolução a partir da antiguidade até o sistema capitalista, berço do direito do trabalho (1º Capítulo). Superada a abordagem do poder, genericamente considerado, debruçamos nossa atenção para a análise do poder diretivo de modo mais particular. E aqui tratamos das questões do conceito, fundamento legal e doutrinário, formas de expressão e limitações incidentes (2º Capítulo). O trabalho prossegue e com o propósito de estabelecer uma conexão com o trecho anterior do estudo, dirigimos a análise para a verificação dos direitos e deveres de empregado e empregador para que assim se evidencie potencialidades e limites tanto do poder diretivo do empregador, quanto dos direitos fundamentais do empregado, dentre os quais a liberdade de expressão (3º Capítulo). A sequencia do trabalho contém os esforços para o correto posicionamento da liberdade de expressão dentro do universo dos direitos humanos ou do homem, direitos fundamentais e direitos da personalidade. E com o intuito de melhor posicionar a liberdade de expressão, fazemos uma avaliação dentro do contexto do direito nacional e internacional, bem como abordamos, ainda que com pouca profundidade, a questão das gerações ou dimensões dos direitos fundamentais (4º Capítulo). O trato da liberdade de expressão tematiza o penúltimo capitulo e nele envidamos esforços para localizar em que esfera da existência do trabalhador subordinado, íntima, privada ou pessoal, ou no âmbito de todas estas, está a liberdade de expressão. Neste mesmo capítulo, devotamos nossa análise para a questão do plano de eficácia do direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão inclusive com o debate com a abordagem das formas, objeções, limites da liberdade de expressão e sobretudo com uma análise do direito em debate no contexto da relação de emprego, inclusive no que toca ao chamado direito de crítica. Encerramos esse capitulo com considerações acerca de medidas de proteção em caso de dispensa discriminatória. Na conclusão registramos nossas ponderações. / Assess how named steering power of the employer interacts and the employee\'s freedom of expression is the challenge that this work is undertaken. To some extent, the election theme already reveals the accession of the current Master\'s doctrinal conceives existence of fundamental labor, specific and nonspecific, and within the universe of labor relations in the case of this study, the employment relationship. To achieve the proposed scope when choosing the theme, we opted for the development of a work in 6 chapters, with analyzes and studies, some less extensive, given the character of co-acting with the main subject, other larger extent, given the centrality and embraced the task. We begin our study with brief historical considerations about the phenomenon of power, taking care of the conceptual framework and approach of its evolution from antiquity to the capitalist system, the cradle of labor law (Chapter 1). Approach to overcome the power, generally considered, worked through our attention to the analysis of power steering more particular. And here we treat the issues of concept, doctrinal and legal basis, forms of expression and limitations incidents (Chapter 2). The work continues in order to establish a connection with the earliest part of the study, headed analysis to verify the rights and duties of employee and employer so that if evidence of both potential and limits of the directive power of the employer, as rights key employee, among which the freedom of expression (Chapter 3). The sequence of this work includes efforts to the correct positioning of freedom of expression within the universe of human rights or of man, fundamental rights and personality rights. And in order to better position the freedom of speech, we make an assessment within the context of national and international law, as well as approach, albeit with little depth, the issue of generational dimensions or fundamental rights (Chapter 4). The tract of freedom of expression lead the penultimate chapter and we strive to find it in that sphere of existence of subordinate worker, intimate, private or personal, or under all these, is the freedom of expression. In this same chapter, we devote our analysis to the question of plan effectiveness of the fundamental right to freedom of expression and ended the debate with the approach of the ways, objections, limits of freedom of expression and especially the analysis of law in the context of the debate employment relationship, including with regard to the so-called right of criticism. In conclusion we recorded our weightings.

The purpose of this paper is to explore whether there is an absolute right to freedom of expression with regard to hate speech, and more specifically, whether tolerance should be exercised toward speech even in circumstances where this speech presents a clear and present danger to the public. The author will use legal research methods to analyze this question. The paper will delve into four major Supreme Court cases in the case of hate speech, as well as the decision by the Virginia Court that allowed the rally in Charlottesville which ended with the death of 32-year old woman. The aim is to determine how the Supreme Court has looked at hateful expression over the years and the status of hate speech in America today. The four major cases are Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969), National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie (1977), R.A.V v. City of St. Paul (1992), and Virginia v. Black (2003). Although the case of Kessler v. Charlottesville (2017) is not a Supreme Court case, its significance in relation to the right to freedom of expression is no less than those precedent four cases. This incident and related legal cases bring the concerns about hate speech and the constitutional right to freedom of expression directly into the public discourse.

Orientador: Carlo José Napolitano / Banca: José Carlos Marques / Banca: Ary José Rocco Júnior / Resumo: O direito à liberdade de expressão é garantido pela Constituição brasileira de 1988, e pode ser exercido de diversas formas. Entre junho de 2013 e julho de 2014, esse direito foi exercido por milhões de brasileiros que foram às ruas protestar contra a precariedade da saúde e educação pública, a corrupção, o aumento da tarifa de ônibus e também contra os gastos excessivos para a realização da Copa do Mundo. As manifestações sociais aconteceram na mesma época em que dois megaeventos esportivos eram realizados no país: a Copa das Confederações, em 2013, e a Copa do Mundo, em 2014. O objetivo desta pesquisa é verificar se dois veículos de comunicação impressos, Folha de S. Paulo e O Globo, que noticiaram as manifestações sociais, trataram-nas como um exercício pleno do direito à liberdade de expressão, ou criminalizaram o movimento. Para cumprir os objetivos, será utilizada a metodologia da análise de conteúdo. A hipótese é de que os jornais abordaram o assunto de maneira superficial e negativa. A partir das análises quantitativas e qualitativas realizadas com base na metodologia escolhida, tornou-se possível a confirmação de tal hipótese. / Abstract: The right to freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and can be practiced by many different ways. Between june of 2013 and july of 2014, this right was practiced by millions of Brazilians, that went to the street to protest against the precariousness of public health and education, corruption, the increase in the bus pass and also against excessive expenses for the realization of the World Cup. The social manifestations happened in the same time that two sportive mega events were realized in the country: The Confederations Cup, in 2013, and The World Cup, in 2014. The object of this research is to verify if two newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo and O Globo, that noticed the social manifestations, treated them as an exercise of the right to freedom of expression, or criminalized the protest. To meet the goals, it will be used the methodology of content analysis. The hypothesis is that the newspapers dealt with the issue in a superficial and negative way. By the quantitative and qualitative analysis based on the chosen method, it became possible to confirm this. / Mestre

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-06-27T12:33:55Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) tese.banca de defesa.Aline Lucena.depósito.final.pdf: 4724715 bytes, checksum: 1b6aed8384de3e836cc06a1b702667be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-27T12:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) tese.banca de defesa.Aline Lucena.depósito.final.pdf: 4724715 bytes, checksum: 1b6aed8384de3e836cc06a1b702667be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-18 / A presente pesquisa investiga o processo de garantia formal do Direito humano à comunicação na América Latina e suas contradições, a partir da experiência de sete Países da União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) - Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Equador, Uruguai e Venezuela - com foco nas relações entre Estado, política, liberdade, comunicação, radiodifusão e Direitos Humanos. Para isto, empreende-se um estudo aprofundado sobre o conceito da comunicação como direito humano e suas relações com o conceito da liberdade de expressão; uma análise sobre as legislações de radiodifusão dos Países investigados, nas décadas de 1980, 1990 e 2000; como também das recomendações presentes nos Relatórios Anuais da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e da Relatoria Especial para a Liberdade de Expressão. A pesquisa trabalha com autores da Comunicação Social, bem como da interdisciplinaridade desta com outras áreas do conhecimento das Ciências Sociais. Tem como orientação epistêmica o pensamento crítico, portanto a dimensão sócio-histórica e o método de análise dialético, com ênfase na produção de conhecimento da América Latina sobre a América Latina, do Sul sobre o Sul. A investigação igualmente estabelece como marco teórico os estudos críticos que problematizam o conceito de público, privado e estatal, aplicado às políticas e sistemas de comunicação, e valem-se da análise dialética para identificar as condições políticas, econômicas, sociais e culturais que atuam no processo de garantia formal dos Direitos Humanos, especificamente do direito humano à comunicação. A garantia formal do direito humano à comunicação, no entanto, não é uma questão simplesmente técnica/jurídica. A invisibilidade e o silêncio desse direito no discurso do marco legal de proteção dos Direitos Humanos e nas legislações nacionais de radiodifusão implicam condicionamentos a outras dimensões da vida social, política, cultural e econômica. / This research investigates the formal assurance process of the human right due to the Communication in Latin America from the seven countries experience the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), focusing on the relationship between state, politics, freedom, communication, broadcasting and Human Rights. For this, it undertakes-one depth study of the concept of communication as a human right and its relations with the concept of freedom of expression; an analysis of the laws of broadcasting of the countries, in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s; as also an investigation of these recommendations in the Commission's Annual Reports Commission on Human Rights - Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression (81 documentary files). The research worked with authors Social communication and interdisciplinarity of this to other areas of knowledge of Social Sciences. Its orientation epistemological thought critical, so the socio-historical dimension and the dialectical method of analysis, with emphasis in knowledge production in Latin America on Latin America, South on South. The research also sets a theoretical framework the critical studies problematize the concept of public, private and state, applied to policies and systems communication, and worth-the dialectical analysis to identify the political, economic and cultural operating in the formal assurance process Rights Human, specifically the human right to communication.

Esta pesquisa investiga os sentidos, valores e discursos circulantes que emergem nas páginas da imprensa em torno da categoria \"politicamente correto\", observando suas relações com a liberdade de expressão e formas de controle da produção discursiva. A partir de matérias da Folha de S. Paulo, no período de 1991 a 2014, pesquisamos as transformações do politicamente correto no Brasil e as regulações por ele estabelecidas. Embasamo-nos, nesse percurso, nas proposições de Michel Foucault sobre a arqueologia dos discursos, de modo que as matérias jornalísticas devem ser tomadas como acontecimentos discursivos, isto é, como vestígios materiais que servem de base à \"escavação\" de plataformas culturais, saberes e regras sócio-históricas que condicionam a emergência de enunciados e discursos. Nossos resultados apontam para a emergência do politicamente correto como categoria em disputa no debate público, inserida em um contexto de reposicionamentos dos saberes sobre liberdade de expressão, e para o papel decisivo do jornalismo na introdução dessa expressão nas discussões que se travam na esfera pública brasileira. O posicionamento assumido pelo jornalismo remete a um imaginário discursivo sobre a democracia, o que também tem seu papel na consolidação da legitimidade e do lugar de fala da imprensa. De modo correlato, a discussão pública sobre o politicamente correto no Brasil mostra-se profundamente polarizada. Por fim, a emergência da categoria \"politicamente correto\" como forma de denominar processos de regulação sobre a linguagem reflete - e também determina - a centralidade e a visibilidade adquiridas por esse fenômeno em nossa cultura: centralidade da linguagem, de modo amplo, como mediadora das relações sociais; centralidade do individual na condução de ações políticas; centralidade do paradigma de circulação de ideias - e, por conseguinte, visibilidade das formas de controle da expressão, entendidas cada vez mais como intoleráveis. / This research investigates the senses, values and circulating discourses that emerge in the pages of the press around the category \"political correctness\". Our goal is to understand the relationship between such category, freedom of expression and forms of control of discursive production. From journalistic texts published by Folha de S. Paulo, in the period from 1991 to 2014, we researched the transformation of political correctness in Brazil and the regulations laid down by it. In this journey, we base ourselves on Michel Foucault\'s propositions on the archeology of speeches; so that the newspaper articles should be taken as discursive events, as material evidence underpinning the excavation of cultural platforms, knowledge and socio-historical rules that constrain the emergence of statements and speeches. Our results show the emergence of political correctness as a category in dispute in the public debate, set on a repositioning context of knowledge on freedom of expression, as well as the decisive role of journalism in the introduction of the expression \"political correctness\" in the discussions which take place in Brazilian public sphere. The position assumed by journalism refers to an imaginary discourse on democracy, which also plays a role in the consolidation of legitimacy and place of speech of the press. At the same time, the public discussion of political correctness in Brazil shows up deeply polarized. Finally, the emergence of the category \"political correctness \" as a way of giving a name to processes of language regulation reflects - and also determines - the centrality and visibility acquired by this phenomenon in our culture: the centrality of language, broadly, mediating social relationships; centrality of the individual in the conduct of policy actions; centrality of the circulation of ideas - and therefore visibility of control strategies of expression, increasingly understood as intolerable.

LL.M. (International Law) / Before 2006, there had been some movement to expose conspiracy and injustices in government and corporate life but the emergence of Julian Assange and wikileaks would set a new standard in this kind of investigative probe into what the political leaders and heads of major corporations did behind the scenes. Assange’s initial revelations and release of incriminating documents was about to launch his debut as an ‘international man of mystery’ as people who are globally and politically curious will forever wonder what else he would reveal to the world. The first target of his disclosures was Africa then the United States but his actions would unleash a wave of leaks with corporate and government conspiracy at a volume that the world as we know it was previously unaccustomed to. Although some doubted the authenticity of his disclosures, and others criticized his methods, none doubted his right to freedom of expression as enshrined in national, regional and international instruments. Assange’s organization proposes that governments and corporations should be transparent in their dealings, and policies. Although tumultuous at first, leaks from Assange have helped expose some corrupt practices that would not otherwise have come to light. The impact of wikileaks on freedom of expression in the world has been massive and far reaching, the viral way in which the leaks spread are evidence to the fact that people have always been curious about this kind of conspiracy theories and are eager for transparency. It shows also that it is unwise to underestimate the impact that an event in one country could trigger globally. But what does it really mean to global stability and freedom of expression when one man chooses to go against conventional methods and probe into the powers that be? How will this change how the world does business in the area of what people are allowed to freely say or disclose without persecution and how this disclosure affect the laws that govern this kind of freedom of expression?

Magister Legum - LLM / News coverage of high profile criminal matters has increased in South Africa. Such matters are of public concern, as every citizen has a right to receive and impart information and to debate openly and frankly matters which are of public concern, including matters before the courts. The legitimacy of the courts is dependent on robust media reportage and public scrutiny of judicial matters which such reportage stimulates. However, criminal trials of high profile accused persons such as Oscar Pistorius, Shrien Dewani and J Arthur Brown, turn easily into a show with strong entertainment value, giving the media strong profitmaking reasons to cover it. In their pursuit of profit and in seeking to satisfy the curiosity of their readers, listeners or viewers, the media regularly resort to trial by media or adverse pre-trial publicity. Trial by media is nothing more than commercially motivated expression which does not warrant constitutional protection. At the receiving end of such coverage are accused persons. Public censure of crime and of accused persons which follows trial by media should not be imposed on the innocent. The right to a fair trial requires that an accused be treated fairly from the inception of the criminal process, from which point the person suspected of committing the crime in question is considered innocent. Any pre-trial process which implies that the accused is guilty, including any such process influenced by media reports surrounding criminal offences, violates the presumption of innocence. Despite the availability of remedies, the media in South Africa usually are not held to account for their actions and persist with adverse, biased and irresponsible pre-trial reporting. Courts have shown a tendency to protect the media in these cases, despite the effect of such reporting on the judicial process, the administration of justice and the fair trial rights of accused persons. The reason for this is usually the hesitation on the part of judges to recognise their susceptibility to extraneous matters. Judges should not be placed in a position where their independence and impartiality are questioned as a result of media sensationalism. Where the media create mistrust in the integrity of the judiciary, the rule of law is in peril.

This study investigated the tension between the right to freedom of expression and the right to a fair trial in the context of the public broadcasting of criminal trials. The aim of the study was to determine whether the right of the media to broadcast criminal trials can be reconciled with the right of an accused person to a fair trial. To accomplish the above aim, the research undertook a review of the case law relating to televised criminal trials in order to determine how the courts have addressed the fair trial-free expression conflict. The study concluded that the ‘balancing exercise’ employed by the courts does not seem to have addressed this tension. Given that televised criminal trials are prone to sensationalism and the danger of fabrication of evidence, the study concludes that the broadcasting of criminal trials undermines the right to a fair trial. The study makes recommendations that are designed to ensure a proper balance between the freedom of expression as exercised by the media through the broadcasting of criminal trials on the one hand and the right of accused persons to a fair trial on the other.

1 Abstract Thesis title: Hate speech throughout the continents The aim of this thesis is to shed light on standings and rulings of the United States Supreme Court and the European Court of Human rights in hate speech cases. It defines the term "hate speech" and presents grounds used for its restrictions when it comes to freedom of expression. Through introducing established principles that govern the decision-making of both courts and analysing them in key judgments on both continents, the author is trying to determine possible alterations that may lead to enhancing the protection given by hate speech case-law. The author also analyses historical and social impact on the case-law of both the Supreme Court and the ECHR and finds that this influence has led to establishment of crucial principles without which the hate speech cases could hardly be decided today. Both historical and social factors lead the author to the conclusion that the protection against hate speech could still use a tune-up. In author's point of view, the Supreme Court should ease the grip on the First Amendment and give the "true threats" principle, established in Virginia v. Black, leave to prohibit not only intimidating expressions but harmful expressions as well - both physical and mental. The Supreme Court should also strengthen the...