La présente thèse interroge l'influence de la colonisation française dans la culture alimentaire en Tunisie sous le Protectorat (1881-1956). Nous avons choisi de nous concentrer sur l'alcool, et nous tentons plus précisément, de savoir s'il y a une alcoolisation de la Tunisie sous le Protectorat français (1881-1956), c'est-à dire une augmentation du volume d'alcool consommé et un nouvel intérêt pour ce produit dans la société tunisienne. Pour cela, nous interrogeons les sources journalistiques, littéraires, judiciaires, policières, hospitalières, ainsi que la correspondance de la haute administration. Ces différents documents nous permettent de mieux définir la mise en place d'une industrie agro-alimentaire viticole en Tunisie avec la colonisation française, les différents réseaux commerciaux d'écoulement des alcools, ainsi que les différentes habitudes de consommation. Dans ce dernier domaine, les métissages alimentaires, les tentatives de prohibition, les résistances ainsi que les acculturations en matière de consommation d'alcool sont interrogés. La mise en lumière de ces sociétés liées à l'alcool, des producteurs aux consommateurs, permet d'interroger des rapports sociaux à l'œuvre dans la société tunisienne de l'époque, qui sont autant de rapport de domination ou d'échange entre différents individus, non nécessairement liés à l'entreprise coloniale. / This PHD deals with the influence of the French colonizers on food culture in Tunisia during the French Protectorate (1881-1956). I chose to focus on alcohol and to try to know if an improvement of alcohol consumption and of the public interest from the elites can be noted, for example for public drunkenness. For it, I use different archives from newspapers, novels, judicial, police and hospitals administrations and I read different letters exchanged by the high administration. Thanks to these documents, I try to define the implementation of a wine industry in Tunisia in the beginning of colonization. Secondly, I try to understand more the different alcohol trade networks and consumption habits at that time. For habits consumption I question the different cultural mixing, attempts to prohibit alcohol, acculturations and resistances. These different questions are some ways to look at social groups, from producers to alcohol consumers, and to examine social exchanged or dominances reports, not always linked with the phenomenon of colonization.

The purpose of this research is to examine the socio-economic legacies of the French Protectorate in Morocco and the attitude of modern-day Moroccans to that legacy, through a series of in-depth interviews with a wide range of people who lived through colonialism and came after it. I use these interviews alongside documents of the time and the findings of contemporary commentators to chart the establishment of the Protectorate's social and economic policies in Morocco and how they destroyed the traditional infrastructure and cultural heritage of the country to replace them by a more 'modern and civilised' westernised system. I argue that, although some good did come from French colonialism in Morocco, these policies were not viable and so, when decolonisation came about, the country was unable to sustain itself and, therefore, had no choice but to continue to look to France both financially and educationally. Through highlighting how France transformed every aspect of Moroccan life to match that of la Métropole, this research shows why Moroccans find it so hard to shake off their colonial past, why they continue to use the French language in business, politics and education and why, unless Morocco steps out of the shadow of its former occupier, and make its own way in the world, they feel it will never be truly independent.

The purpose of this research is to examine the socio-economic legacies of the French Protectorate in Morocco and the attitude of modern-day Moroccans to that legacy, through a series of in-depth interviews with a wide range of people who lived through colonialism and came after it. I use these interviews alongside documents of the time and the findings of contemporary commentators to chart the establishment of the Protectorate's social and economic policies in Morocco and how they destroyed the traditional infrastructure and cultural heritage of the country to replace them by a more - modern and civilised - westernised system. I argue that, although some good did come from French colonialism in Morocco, these policies were not viable and so, when decolonisation came about, the country was unable to sustain itself and, therefore, had no choice but to continue to look to France both financially and educationally. Through highlighting how France transformed every aspect of Moroccan life to match that of la Métropole, this research shows why Moroccans find it so hard to shake off their colonial past, why they continue to use the French language in business, politics and education and why, unless Morocco steps out of the shadow of its former occupier, and make its own way in the world, they feel it will never be truly independent.

Les références proviennent du Centre des archives diplomatiques de Nantes (France) / Les Textes arabes de l’Ouargha (Lévi-Provençal, 1922), les Textes arabes de Rabat (Brunot, 1931) et les Textes arabes des Zaër (Loubignac, 1952), relatifs à trois régions marocaines, attirent l’attention par leur organisation méthodique, mais aussi par les thématiques abordées. Les Textes, comportant une préface arabe, une transcription en caractères latins et une traduction annotée, donnent une image du Maroc colonial entre 1912 et 1956. Sur les traces de l’orientaliste William Marçais, les trois auto-traducteurs se sont intéressés à l’ethnographie marocaine dans ses différentes facettes. Pour sonder le travail de ces auto-traducteurs, nous avons étudié leur traduction non seulement d’un point de vue comparatif, mais aussi du point de vue du paratexte. De plus, nous avons fait une étude sociohistorique des traducteurs, qui s’est avérée utile pour mieux comprendre leur idéologie et surtout qui a mis en lumière leur appartenance à la communauté d’érudits. Pour ce faire, notre cadre théorique s’est appuyé sur deux volets : volet archéologique et volet critique afin de dégager les normes sous-jacentes dans les interventions délibérées. La préface et les nombreuses notes démontrent clairement le projet de traduction des trois auto-traducteurs, qui est celui de « solidifier l’édifice » de l’Administration française. Force est toutefois d’admettre que l’analyse de l’auto-traduction n’a pas décelé des interventions marquées des traducteurs et donc l’analyse de la transcription en dialecte marocain a pris une grande place dans notre recherche. Cependant, la lecture de cette transcription, soit la traduction intralinguistique de l’oral à l’écrit, et la connaissance de ses tenants et aboutissants mettent en lumière le rôle joué par les auto-traductions, effectuées par des traducteurs au service de l’IHEM, qui est celui de façonner l’image du Marocain et de consolider le projet colonial français au Maroc. / The Textes arabes de l’Ouargha (Lévi-Provençal, 1922), the Textes arabes de Rabat (Brunot, 1931) and the Textes arabes des Zaër (Loubignac, 1952), dealing with three regions in Morocco, draw attention to their methodological organization, as well as to their themes. The three works, consisting of an Arab version, a transcription using Latin characters and an annotated translation, provide a portrait of colonial Morocco between 1912 and 1956. Following in the footsteps of Orientalist William Marçais, the three self-translators concerned themselves with Moroccan ethnography in all its facets. To examine the works of these self-translators, we studied their translation not only from a comparative perspective, but also from a paratextual standpoint. In addition, we conducted a socio-historical study of these translators that proved useful to better understand their ideology and above all shed light on their membership in the community of scholars. For this purpose, our theoretical framework was based on both an archaeological component and a critical component in order to identify the norms underlying the translators’ intentional interventions. The preface and numerous notes clearly illustrate the different translation projects, namely, to “strengthen the edifice” of the French administration. Admittedly, our analysis of the self-translations did not reveal significant interventions and, thus, the study of the Moroccan dialect transcription became an important part of my research. A reading of each transcription – an intralinguistic translation from the oral to the written – and a grasp of all its aspects demonstrate that the role of each of the three self-translations, done by translators in the service of the IHEM, was to shape the image of Moroccans and consolidate the French colonial project in Morocco.

Cette thèse étudie du trafic des esclaves au départ de l’Afrique orientale (Mozambique) vers les Comores où des planteurs étrangers venaient les acheter comme engagés libres. Le sultanat de Saïd Ali né en 1883, a bénéficié de la protection de de la France en 1886. Malgré ce protectorat, l’esclavage n’est aboli qu’en 1904. Pour maintenir la main-d’œuvre coloniale, l’État protecteur a retardé cette abolition. Face aux hésitations, le sultanat est rattaché à Magascar en 1908, le sultan abdique en 1910, avant que la Grande Comore devienne colonie française en 1912. / This Thesis studies the slaves trade starting from East Africa to Comoros where foreign growers came to buy them as free Endentured servant. The Sultanat of Saïd Ali born in 1883 benefited of French protection in 1886. Even thought this protectorate, the slavery is abolished in 1904. To maintain the colonialworkforce, The Protecting State has delayed this abolition. In front of theses hesitations, the Sultan is attached to Madagascar in 1908, the sultan abdicated in 1910, before that the Great Comoro become a French colony in 1912.