In this thesis, I examine the radical political views and activism of Thomas Beddoes, a late eighteenth century chemist and physician. A multifaceted man, Beddoes corresponded with many of Britains leading industrial and intellectual lights, especially members of the Lunar Society, had a brief career as an Oxford lecturer, devised air delivery apparatus with James Watt, and wrote extensively to distribute useful medical knowledge to the public and argue for medical reform, all the while attracting the ire of the government and scientific community for his outspoken, radical, republican politics. <br><br> I track Beddoes career as a Friend of Liberty, set within the context of the British reform movement, from 1792, when he began involving himself publicly in agitation, to 1797, when the death-knell of the British reform movement sounded and the French Revolution seemed to have utterly failed. In doing so, I seek to determine to what extent Beddoes was a radical, a revolutionary, and a fifth-column threat to the British, whether or not his ideology was in any regard the product of his science, and what the nature of his radicalism and the lineage of his ideas can tell us about the intellectual culture of his era. <br><br> I conclude that Beddoes fiery rhetoric belies an otherwise moderate and pacific approach to political change, based in British Enlightenment ideas rather than emerging science. The republic, rather than a goal to be achieved through violent overthrow, was simply the only logical organization for a society of innately equal citizens, a fact he believed obvious to the enlightened mind. He defended the French Revolution while he could still cast it as a moderate endeavor led by rational men, but, like so many of its early British supporters, grew disillusioned as France descended into mob violence and the tyranny of Robespierre. Following the Priestley Riots of 1791, he harboured deep fears of a sans-culotte-like British mob, which threatened not only the Church and King, but the interests and liberty of those men like Joseph Priestley and James Watt who were generating valuable knowledge and industry around him. <br><br> My analysis supports Roy Porters theory of a unique British Enlightenment, a social fermentation which emphasized Lockean personal liberty, improvement, and private property (which evolved into the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith and David Hume), and which was, critically, defensive of liberties already gained. Beddoes constellation of political, religious, scientific, and economic influences reflect the characteristic Englishness of the enlightenment culture around him, distinct particularly from France, and helps illustrate the links between scientific and political ideas in the late Enlightenment.

In this thesis, I examine the radical political views and activism of Thomas Beddoes, a late eighteenth century chemist and physician. A multifaceted man, Beddoes corresponded with many of Britains leading industrial and intellectual lights, especially members of the Lunar Society, had a brief career as an Oxford lecturer, devised air delivery apparatus with James Watt, and wrote extensively to distribute useful medical knowledge to the public and argue for medical reform, all the while attracting the ire of the government and scientific community for his outspoken, radical, republican politics. <br><br> I track Beddoes career as a Friend of Liberty, set within the context of the British reform movement, from 1792, when he began involving himself publicly in agitation, to 1797, when the death-knell of the British reform movement sounded and the French Revolution seemed to have utterly failed. In doing so, I seek to determine to what extent Beddoes was a radical, a revolutionary, and a fifth-column threat to the British, whether or not his ideology was in any regard the product of his science, and what the nature of his radicalism and the lineage of his ideas can tell us about the intellectual culture of his era. <br><br> I conclude that Beddoes fiery rhetoric belies an otherwise moderate and pacific approach to political change, based in British Enlightenment ideas rather than emerging science. The republic, rather than a goal to be achieved through violent overthrow, was simply the only logical organization for a society of innately equal citizens, a fact he believed obvious to the enlightened mind. He defended the French Revolution while he could still cast it as a moderate endeavor led by rational men, but, like so many of its early British supporters, grew disillusioned as France descended into mob violence and the tyranny of Robespierre. Following the Priestley Riots of 1791, he harboured deep fears of a sans-culotte-like British mob, which threatened not only the Church and King, but the interests and liberty of those men like Joseph Priestley and James Watt who were generating valuable knowledge and industry around him. <br><br> My analysis supports Roy Porters theory of a unique British Enlightenment, a social fermentation which emphasized Lockean personal liberty, improvement, and private property (which evolved into the laissez-faire economics of Adam Smith and David Hume), and which was, critically, defensive of liberties already gained. Beddoes constellation of political, religious, scientific, and economic influences reflect the characteristic Englishness of the enlightenment culture around him, distinct particularly from France, and helps illustrate the links between scientific and political ideas in the late Enlightenment.

<p>In this dissertation, I argue that musicians began to emerge as a professional class during the French Revolution (1789-1804) by mobilizing Enlightenment philosophies of music, pre-revolutionary social networks, and economic upheaval. I conceive of this phenomenon within a broad macro-historical context beginning in 1749 with Rousseau's first articulations of music and political culture, and ending with institutional changes at the Paris Conservatoire in 1802. My research applies an anthropological approach to the archives as set forth by scholars including William H. Sewell, Jr., Bernard S. Cohn, and Natalie Zemon Davis. Through archival discoveries from across Parisian archives, I elucidate how musicians capitalized upon revolutionary change to pursue personal and collective advancement as artists and professionals. This approach takes the concept of musicianship as a multivalent social category that traverses musical genres and institutions. This study contributes to the nascent movement to reincorporate economic life back into the historiography of the French Revolution and to a relational approach to the politics of expressivity and practice in musical production. The result of this study is a rethinking of previous historical accounts of revolutionary musicians as simply utilitarian. </p><p>In focusing on practicing musicians, their social networks, and their economy, I demonstrate the unique political circumstances of musical production and practice in late eighteenth-century Paris. I conclude that revolutionary politics among composers, performers, and pedagogues gave birth to a distinct form of French musical Romanticism rooted in the negotiation of rational approaches to music with the lived experiences of Revolution. This perspective locates one origin of musical Romanticism in Parisian musical institutions during the second half of the eighteenth century. In Paris, musical genius came to be regarded as a collective attribute applicable to not only composers, but also to performers. This shift toward inclusive professional musicianship constituted an evolution of musical production and aesthetics, which held profound implications for cosmopolitan nineteenth-century European music culture.</p> / Dissertation

Britain's foreign relations formed a crucial component of the political nation during the eighteenth century. Foreign affairs were a key issue of state, and perceived failure within European power politics could cause the fall of government ministries. Britain's foreign relations with the main European powers, and especially France and Spain, have been extensively recorded. Britain's unique relationship with Corsica has been neglected. Corsica can appear to be insignificant compared to other European states. Many British writers, however, government officials, naval and military officers, considered Corsica to be of the highest importance within eighteenth-century foreign affairs. Corsica was especially important within the larger sphere of Anglo-French rivalry. Corsica was one of the few territories that was ruled by both nations during the eighteenth century. This thesis reveals that Britain's relations with Corsica were far more significant than has been previously realised. Britain's relations and interactions with Corsica remained relatively consistent throughout the period from 1728 up until 1796. The two main developments to occur between Britain and Corsica during the eighteenth century were, firstly, the ‘Corsican crisis' (1768-1769) and, secondly, the establishment of an Anglo-Corsican Kingdom (1794-1796). These are discussed in chapter 2 and chapter 4 of the thesis respectively. Both of these ‘events' have been studied as being separate from each other and as confined to their respective periods of time. This thesis aims to link and to compare these two key developments for the first time, and to show that the Corsican crisis directly influenced the Anglo-Corsican constitution in 1794.Corsica was the largest European territory to be ruled by Britain during the eighteenth century. The Anglo-Corsican Kingdom provides a unique insight into how Britain might rule conquered territories in Europe. The thesis charts and explains Britain's relations with Corsica against the background of the second hundred years war against France.

L’idée d’un « spirituel républicain » est, en France, plus intuitivement sentie que rationnellement conçue. Si le syntagme dénote quelque densité conceptuelle, historiens et philosophes s’accordent d’ordinaire à la chercher dans les doctrines politiques et sociales de la IIIème République – celles du solidarisme, de la laïcité ou des lois sur l’éducation. Ce travail voudrait montrer que le spirituel républicain est irréductible à un supplément d’âme, comme à toute forme de caution morale destinée à pallier les derniers scrupules d’une politique désenchantée. En ce sens, sa généalogie demande à être singulièrement élargie à l’aval. Elle trouve son origine dans le sillage de la Révolution Française, où 1789 commande tout autant une interprétation politique qu’une reconfiguration anthropologique de la croyance. Le point commun des auteurs mobilisés ici (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) est en effet d’assumer une position symétriquement opposée à la nôtre. Partant du principe que la question spirituelle est la seule qui n’ait pas été réglée, ils s’efforcent d’interroger le statut, problématique dans les démocraties modernes, d’un gouvernement des esprits. C’est donc en partant de ce qui, au sein de ce corpus, est réputé le plus anachronique – soit la rémanence du religieux au cœur d’un siècle censément scientifique – que la notion de spirituel républicain trouve à se constituer. Guettée par le risque d’un syncrétisme philanthropique inchoatif, comme par la confrontation à trois des idéologies majeures du XIXème siècle (traditionalisme, libéralisme, socialisme), cette tradition intellectuelle ne conserve son identité qu’en justifiant son qualificatif de républicain. / The idea of the spiritual as it relates to republicanism – the “republican spiritual” – is, in France, more intuitively felt than it is rationally conceived. While the phrase carries a certain conceptual density, historians and philosophers normally agree that this idea is to be sought in the political and social doctrines of the Third Republic – for example, in the doctrines of solidarity and secularism and in the laws on education. This work shows that the “republican spiritual” cannot be reduced to a touch of soul, or to any form of moral guarantee intended to overcome the last scrupules of a disenchanted politics. In this way, its genealogy needs to be particularly enlarged. It has its origin in the wake of the French Revolution, as the events of 1789 required both a political interpretation of belief as well as its anthropological reconfiguration. The common point among the authors studied here (Joseph de Maistre, Auguste Comte, Jules Michelet, Alexis de Tocqueville, Émile Durkheim) is that the position they took on this issue is diametrically opposed to ours today. These authors, starting from the standpoint that the spiritual question is the only one that has not been resolved, struggle to understand the status – problematic in modern democracy – of a spiritual regime. It is thus within the most anachronistic elements of the body of work studied here – that is, the endurance of the religious in a supposedly scientific century – that the notion of the “republican spiritual” finds its origin. At risk of a formless philanthropic syncretism, menaced by its confrontation with three of the main ideologies of the 19th century (traditionalism, liberalism, and socialism), this intellectual tradition only preserves its identity by justifying its qualification as republican.

O tema desta dissertação de mestrado é a controvérsia sobre os direitos civis e políticos das mulheres na França revolucionária , suscitada pela atuação cívica vigorosa das militantes políticas nos seis primeiros anos da Revolução - 1789-1795. Essas mulheres adquiriram uma visibilidade dramática ao participar maciçamente do movimento revolucionário, organizar-se em clubes políticos e exercer na prática alguns dos direitos de cidadania reservados ao sexo masculino. Seus direitos cívicos foram recusados, mas, pela primeira vez o assunto foi debatido e as autoridades tiveram que justificar a exclusão publicamente. O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar como as mulheres do povo conseguiram participar tão ativamente da vida política nacional no período inicial da Revolução e as razões pelas quais foram afastadas da cena pública. Estudarei a questão através das categorias práticas e representações, focalizando a atuação das militantes, e as imagens de mulheres nos espaços públicos e privados. Três grupos femininos emblemáticos serão considerados: as mães republicanas, as militantes políticas e as mulheres-soldados. A militância será analisada em duas vertentes principais: as jornadas revolucionárias começando pela Marcha a Versalhes em 1789 e a atuação de clubes femininos como a Sociedade das Republicanas Revolucionárias. As ativistas foram derrotadas junto com o último levante popular em Prairial do ano III. Razões políticas e culturais explicam porque as mulheres foram mal recebidas na arena política nacional. O capítulo da Iconografia apresenta 37 imagens de alegorias, caricaturas e cenas de acontecimentos da Revolução que ajudam a compreender o comportamento que se esperava das mulheres decentes: a maternidade com a dimensão cívica da educação dos futuros patriotas e a dedicação exclusiva ao lar. A moral republicana exigia que cada um cumprisse o seu papel na família e no corpo político. Era preciso manter a diferenciação das funções dos sexos: as mulheres deviam governar a casa e os homens o país. As militantes queriam ser mulheres livres, armarse, agir com independência , mas a maioria dos homens achava que eram usurpadoras das atribuições masculinas. A iconografia mostra modelos de comportamentos femininos virtuosos: deusas representando a nação porque estavam acima dos conflitos ou mães abnegadas, caridosas e heróicas. As que freqüentavam as tribunas das assembléias se transformavam nas terríveis \"tricoteiras\". As militantes foram toleradas enquanto foram úteis quando fizeram oposição aos jacobinos foram reprimidas em nome dos princípios morais que sustentavam a República. / The subject of this Master\'s thesis is the controversy about civil and political rights of women in revolutionary France, sparked by the vigorous female militancy in the early years of the Revolution 1789-1795. These women became dramatically visible when they massively joined the revolutionary movement, organized in political clubs and exercized some exclusively male citizenship rights. Their political rights of citizenship were denied , but for the first time the issue was debated and government officials had to publicly justify their decision. The objective of this research is to study how working-class women managed to participate so actively in national politics in the initial period of the Revolution and the reasons that led to their being banned from the public scene. I will explore the subject from the perspective of women\'s practices and representations, meaning the militants\' civic actions and women\'s images in the public and private spheres. This paper will focus on three main groups of women: republican mothers, political activists and women soldiers. Their political involvement will be considered from the standpoint of their participation in insurrectionary journées, such as the March to Versailles, and membership in women\'s political clubs, such as the parisian Society of Revolutionary Republicans. The militant citoyennes were defeated in the last popular uprising of Prairial, Year III. Political and cultural factors explain why women\'s intervention in national politics was not welcomed. The chapter on representations discusses a repertoire of 37 alegories , caricatures and revolutionary events that help understand the kind of behaviour expected of decent women: civic motherhood, whose aim was to nurture and educate future patriots and an exclusive devotion to domestic duties. Republican morals required that everyone fulfilled their proper role in the family and in public life. It was necessary to maintain the cultural norms of gender differentiation : women managed the household and men ruled the country. Militants wanted to be \"free women\", that is, bear arms, and act independently , but most men thought that activists were \"stepping out of their sex\" and usurping male roles. The iconography fosters virtuous feminine behaviour: lofty goddesses representing the nation because they stood above conflict; or self-sacrificing, charitable and heroic mothers. The women who regularly attended the Assembly galleries became despicable \"knitters\". Militant women were tolerated while useful but when they became political adversaries, they were repressed in the name of the essential moral principles of the Republic

Le serment constitue un instrument privilégié pour étalonner la prégnance du domaine religieux alliée à l'instabilité du contexte politique qui caractérise la période Moderne (XVIe-XVIIIe). Il apparaît ainsi que les époques particulièrement troublées que représentent les guerres de religion puis la Révolution française connaissent un emploi permanent du serment destiné prioritairement à renforcer la solidité des liens et des accords. L'utilisation de l'institution connaît une évolution sans précédent dès les guerres de religion, mettant ainsi en lumière la nécessité d'exprimer une adhésion idéologique au côté de la traditionnelle garantie de fidélité. Durant cette période douloureuse et tout particulièrement son épilogue, le serment dessine une unité nationale désormais articulée prioritairement autour du lien politique, la dimension religieuse, bien que demeurant fondamentale, passant alors au second plan. La Révolution quant à elle, constitue l'âge d'or du serment d'adhésion, qui permet à « l'homme nouveau » d'apporter la sacralité indispensable à la régénération à une société qu'il veut déchristianisée. Au cours de cette période, le serment joue un rôle d'exclusion tout en servant de fondement à la répression révolutionnaire. Surtout, l'institution recèle des effets destructeurs, même lorsqu'elle est censée constituer l'outil créateur de la nouvelle Cité. Le recours au serment durant les périodes considérées met donc en lumière une construction de l'Etat Moderne par une sacralisation de la politique. Toutefois, l'essence même de l'institution résidant dans ses racines religieuses, un serment laïc ou servant de fondement à une société strictement laïque ne saurait exister sous peine de devenir vide de sens ou de se muer en une simple promesse. / The oath represents a key instrument for calibrating the prominence of the religious sphere combined with the political situation that characterizes the early modern period (16th-18th century). Thus, it appears that particularly troubled times -religious wars, then the French revolution- present a regular use of the oath, primarily intended to reinforce the solidity of bonds and agreements. The use of the institution experiences an unprecedented evolution as early as the religious wars, thus highlighting the need to express ideological allegiance along with the traditional guarantee of loyalty. During that painful period and especially at its conclusion, the oath conveys a national unity now primarily revolving around the political bond; the religious dimension, although still fundamental receding into the background. The Revolution is a golden age for the oath of allegiance, which enables “the new man” to provide the indispensable sanctity for the regeneration of the society he wishes to be dechristianized. During the period, the oath plays the role of exclusion while laying a foundation for the revolutionary repression. Above all, the institution conceals destructive effects, even when it is supposed to be the building tool of the new City. Resorting to the oath during the periods currently presented emphasizes the building of the Modern State through a sacralization of politics. However, as the very essence of the institution lies in its religious roots, an oath, either secular or laying the foundation of a strictly secular society may not exist without risking becoming meaningless or turned into a mere promise.

Sade has had many titles over the centuries. He was ‘Marquis’, a noblesse d’épée, sitting in his château atop Lacoste; ‘Wolf-man’, on the run from the authorities, a cause célèbre for his notorious sexual adventures; ‘Citizen’, a turncoat royalist, a functionary within the bureaucracy of the new French Assembly, eulogizer of the revolutionary heroes, Marat and Le Pelletier; and ‘Divine’, a patron saint of Romantic poets like Flaubert and Baudelaire, and later, the same for the Surrealists. Sade has yet to be given the name: ‘Scientist’. In my dissertation I lay out the ground work for defending this choice of designation by situating Sade and a sampling of his works within a defining period in the history of the object of scientific inquiry: from the eve of the 1789 French Revolution until its dénouement following the death of Robespierre. The three works of focus are Les 120 Journées (1785), Aline et Valcour, ou le Roman philosophique (1795) and La Philosophie dans le Boudoir (1795); and each one is strategically selected to bring to light singular events, marking important changes in humankind’s relationship with the natural world. This intense focus on Sade magnifies many times over the position Foucault had already assigned him in Les Mots et les chose (1966) when, in offering his own version of the evolution of the object of scientific inquiry from the Classical to the Modern Age, he isolates Sade as a heuristic bridge linking the two eras of his focus, using Sade’s erotic novels Justine (1791) and Juliette (1797) to support his argument. However overly pithy Foucault’s application of Sade may have been, it is felt that he lays a sufficient groundwork, one that I take up in my dissertation and push to even further depths. More than simply conforming to Foucault’s employment of Sade as the “midwife” to Modern science, I do two things of notable difference: 1) I take up the challenge Foucault set in the “Foreword to the English Edition” of Les Mots et les chose when he professes “embarrassment” over not being able to account for how “[…] instruments, techniques, institutions…” (p. xiii) of empirical sciences came to match in complexity those individuals and societies that would come to use them. On the one side, Foucault expresses a clear limitation; on the other, he offers up what he believes is half of what it takes to get at this limitation: “I left the problem of cause to one side. I chose instead to confine myself to describing the transformation themselves, thinking that this would be an indispensable step if, one day, a theory of scientific change and epistemological causality was to be constructed” (p. xiv). This dissertation offers up a heuristic framework to account for the relationship between both these sides Foucault can only adumbrate: the side of an emergent scientific knowledge and the ontological status of the producers of this knowledge. 2) I position Sade as a representative of an older scientific tradition, one overshadowed in Foucault’s emphasis on Sade and Modern science. Since Iwan Bloch compared Les 120 Journées to Psychopathia Sexualis, Richard von Krafft-Ebing’s 1886 manual of sexology, dedicated to documenting qualitatively all possible sexual deviancies in human behavior, most readings of Sade in the History of Science have taken him to be on the modern most end of the timeline of the History of Science (Foucault, 1966; Harari and Pellegrin, 1973; Morris, 1990; Vila, 1998; Polat, 2000; Quinlan, 2006; Quinlan, 2013). Some writers in recent years, however, have had the acuity to highlight older scientific influences on Sade’s oeuvre. Armelle St-Martin is one such example, who has written extensively on the influence of Italian science on Sade. Such a focus is a departure from a trend that sees English empiricism defining the scientific mindset in France that, it is believed, would have influenced Sade’s ideas. This would have included the “spirit of exactitude and method” (p. 91) D’Alembert (1751) speaks of in his panegyrics of Bacon, Locke and Newton in Discours préliminaire de l’Encyclopédie de Diderot or Voltaire’s popularization (1763) of all things English in Dictionnaire philosophique. The legacies of both these perspectives have weighed heavily on Caroline Warman’s reading of Sade, who sees him (2002) through a more “positive” prism of “sensationist materialism” in Sade: from materialism to pornography. St- Martin sees Sade’s scientific orientation directed rather towards much older and ulterior forms of scientific “objects”, ones much less “positive”. Casamaggi and St-Martin see pneumatological themes like miasmas and corruptions in Histoire de Juliette, arriving from Sade’s own explorations in such places as amongst the swamps and famously licentious denizen of Venice, the namesake for that special contagion: “maladies vénériennes”. Both these departures from Foucault’s conceptualization imply the need to articulate what I call a “negative” trajectory within the History of Science. This term plays an important part in how I engage with Sade and his contemporaries and its explication constitutes a significant aim throughout the course of my dissertation. Sade’s own inquiry into the object of scientific inquiry came at a time of great upheaval and he relied on one approach hitherto capable of articulating such “negativity”: metaphysics. The very notion of metaphysics was anathema for many, such as D’Alembert who even labeled it a despicable science in the relevant entry in L’encyclopédie de Diderot. This dissertation will situate Sade within this battle over the future of science in what was that all crucial period of history when the die was cast in favor of Modern science and its penchant for “positivity”; the period of the French Revolution.

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