À partir des années 1750, l’électricité médicale connait en France et en Europe une vogue tant parmi le monde savant que dans un plus large public. À l’heure de la curiosité et des spectacles de science, la première application du fluide à la mode est thérapeutique et vise à soigner la paralysie. En France, ce n’est pas avant les années 1770 que des médecins s’intéressent à la nouvelle méthode de guérir. Le rôle joué par la nouvelle Société royale de médecine et Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne est déterminant dans la transformation de l’électricité en un objet médical à proprement parler. Ce processus s’est accompagné de l’exclusion progressive des amateurs et des philosophes naturels du champ de la pratique légitime. Les enjeux de l’incorporation du nouveau médicament à la médecine ne sont pas seulement institutionnels et professionnels. Ils mettent en jeu les représentations culturelles autour desquelles s’articulent les savoirs scientifiques et médicaux, mais aussi les pratiques des malades qui l’utilisent comme un moyen dans le parcours qu’ils construisent en vue de guérir. L’électricité médicale est marquée par un net déclassement social à partir du milieu des années 1780. Elle doit alors permettre de régénérer la Nation et de la remettre au travail. En concentrant notre attention sur un remède particulier, nous soulignons l’articulation entre des domaines trop souvent cloisonnés : histoire des idées médicales, histoire sociale des acteurs, histoire culturelle des représentations et des pratiques, en intégrant pleinement l’histoire de la médecine à l’histoire des Lumières. / From the 1750s, Electricity was the object of widespread scientific and popular curiosity across Europe. Its first use was therapeutic and electric sparks have immediately been applied to paralytics. In France, medically-trained physicians did not become interested on the new treatment until the 1770s. The role of the newborn Société royale de médecine and of Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne was pre-eminent in fashioning electricity as a properly medical tool, thus excluding natural philosophers and amateurs from its legitimate practice. Not only does this process have institutional and professional dimensions but it also deals with cultural representations in the scientific and medical fields of knowledge and with the behaviour and practices of both the patients and practitioners. We underline the authority of the patients in ther organisation of their own treatment and their being active in the medicalisation process. During the 1780s, there is a sharp social shift in the use of medical electricity, which is thereafter targeted towards the urban poor, in order to regenerate the Nation and put them back to work. Focusing on a single therapeutical means allows us to cross traditional boundaries between the history of medical ideas, social history of the patients and practitioners and cultural history of representations thus integrating the history of medicine to the wider field of Enlightenment history.

This thesis explores the multiple ways women’s capacity for political action was perceived, both by themselves as well as by others, in the early years of the French Revolution. By beginning with women’s journey to Versailles in the October Days of 1789 and concluding with the National Convention’s closure of all women’s political clubs in October 1793, this thesis will suggest that women perceived themselves politically and as viable revolutionary participants, but that these identifications were grounded in and shaped by hegemonic eighteenth-century gender norms, and often demonstrated continuity with their pre-revolutionary identities. In many cases, both men’s and women’s perceptions of women’s appropriate political roles were influenced by idealized standards and gender norms, as exemplified by the fictitious character, Sophie, from Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s 1762 treatise, Emile, or On Education. The ways women rationalized their political inclusion and situated themselves within the developing revolution demonstrate a sense of compromise with the same norms and ideals which were increasingly used to justify their complete exclusion from political life. Through stressing revolutionary ideals such as equality and unity and by underscoring the importance of their complementary revolutionary contributions, women presented a view of themselves as necessary and viable participants in revolutionary politics in a way that, by late October 1793, increasingly seemed to threaten established societal views on the appropriate boundaries of female political life. / Graduate / 2019-08-22

No final do século XVIII, o poderio econômico da França repousava essencialmente sobre o comércio que o país realizava com as suas colônias. Graças, principalmente, ao açúcar e ao café de São Domingos, a \"pérola das Antilhas\", o comércio colonial francês atingia o seu auge no mesmo momento em que o país rumava para um processo violento de transformação de suas instituições. Ao mesmo tempo, havia, na metrópole, questionamentos a respeito da gestão de colônias cada vez mais povoadas de escravos, arrancados de seus lares para exercer o cultivo nas plantations. Nesse contexto, em 1788, formou-se a primeira organização antiescravista francesa, a Sociedade dos Amigos dos Negros. Sob a liderança de alguns dos principais personagens do período revolucionário, como Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette e Condorcet, essa sociedade de nobres, homens de letras e financistas procurou introduzir a questão do tráfico negreiro na ordem do dia dos debates políticos que marcaram a Revolução francesa. Procuramos, no presente trabalho, retraçar a atividade desses homens, cuja moderação contrasta com o rumo que a questão colonial tomou, a partir da grande insurreição dos escravos em São Domingos, de agosto de 1791. Acreditamos que o estudo dos limites do discurso antiescravista do final do século XVIII e da política colonial das assembleias revolucionárias traz consigo ensinamentos sobre os limites da própria Revolução francesa. / At the end of the 18th century, France\'s economic power relied foremost on trade with its colonies. Thanks to the sugar and coffee produced in Saint-Domingue, the \"pearl of the Antilles\", French colonial commerce reached its peak at the very moment the country was moving toward a violent process of radical institutional transformation. At the same time, it was a moment of interrogations about the administration of colonies whose slave population was in continuous increase. In this context, in 1788, the first French antislavery organization was created, the Society of the Friends of the Blacks. Under the leadership of some of the key-characters of the revolutionary period, like 7 Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette and Condorcet, this society of nobles, intellectuals and financiers endeavored to bring the issue of slave trade to the political debate that marked the French Revolution. We intend, with this study, to retrace the activities of those men, whose moderation of principles was in contrast with the turn of events that marked the colonial space, with the slave insurrection of August 1791, in Saint-Domingue. We hope that, by approaching the limits of the antislavery program of the late-18th century and of the colonial policies of the revolutionary assemblies, this study might offer teachings on the limits of the Revolution itself.

Submitted by Kelli Mesquita Luciano null (kelliml_unesp@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-07-11T22:27:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Referências históricas e o realismo mágico- as confluências em Il barone rampante, de Italo Calvino e em El Siglo de las Luces, de Alejo Carpentier.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-14T16:49:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luciano_km_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-14T16:49:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luciano_km_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-26 / Esta tese objetiva a comparação dos romances Il barone rampante (1957), de Italo Calvino e El Siglo de las Luces (1962), de Alejo Carpentier, pois ambos apresentam confluências no que diz respeito a existência de referencias históricas, uma vez que os enredos transcorrem no século XVIII, em meio a Revolução Francesa e aos ideais iluministas. Além disso, as duas narrativas apresentam indicações de figuras da história oficial assim como a indicação de Instituições históricas. É fundamental destacar que nos dois romances, há acontecimentos insólitos que se referem ao realismo mágico, em Il barone rampante, o protagonista Cosimo vive um estilo de vida incomum sobre as árvores, onde estuda, tem atitudes altruístas e acredita nos ideias revolucionários, enquanto em El Siglo de las Luces, o protagonista é Víctor Hugues que foi inspirado em uma figura da história oficial, um francês que foi comerciante e responsável por disseminar a ideologia revolucionária na região das Antilhas. Sua chegada a Havana, movimenta ativamente a vida dos primos Esteban, Carlos e Sofía, que passam a nutrir interesses pela Revolução, fazem diversos estudos e leituras de autores filosóficos e são moldados pelo pensamento racionalista. No romance carpentiano, Esteban é curado da asma graças a rituais curandeiros fator que pode ser associado ao realismo maravilhoso. Em outros momentos, buscamos evidenciar alguns aspectos fabulistas em Il barone rampante e do barroquismo latino americano em El Siglo de las Luces. No final da tese, apontamos certas características que aproximam ainda mais Il barone rampante de El Siglo de las Luces, visto que são abordadas temáticas em comum nos dois romances, como, por exemplo, a busca pelo conhecimento, a solidão, a frustração, os avanços tecnológicos e a esperança em um mundo melhor por meio do incentivo à educação, ao conhecimento e através de movimentos revolucionários. Em outras palavras, há o tratamento de temas importantíssimos como esses, por meio de uma revisitação ao passado, no caso, à Revolução Francesa serve para levar o leitor à reflexão sobre os contextos que os autores viveram no século XX, a exemplo do fascismo e dos movimentos de resistência na Itália; da ditadura em Cuba bem como o triunfo da Revolução Cubana, ou seja, movimentos de resistência que necessitaram da união coletiva para que houvesse de fato mudanças benéficas para população, condição fundamental que permeia o modo de agir dos personagens das obras analisadas. Esses movimentos até os dias atuais são imprescindíveis para que haja transformações concretas na sociedade em torno da igualdade, do respeito e da aplicação dos direitos humanos para todos. / This thesis aims at the comparison of the novels Il barone rampante (1957), by Italo Calvino and El Siglo de las Luces (1962), by Alejo Carpentier, since both have confluences regarding the existence of historical references, since the entanglements both of which take place in the eighteenth century, amidst the French Revolution and the Enlightenment ideals. In addition, the two narratives present indications of figures of the official history as well as the indication of Historical Institutions. It is important to note that in the two novels, there are unusual events that refer to magical realism, in Il barone rampante, the protagonist Cosimo lives an unusual lifestyle on the trees, where he studies, has altruistic attitudes and believes in revolutionary ideas, while in El Siglo de las Luces, the protagonist is Víctor Hugues who was inspired by an official history figure, a french who was a merchant and responsible for spreading the revolutionary ideology in the Antilles region. His arrival in Havana actively moves the lives of the cousins Esteban, Carlos and Sofía, who begin to nurture interests for the Revolution, do various studies and readings of philosophical authors and are shaped by rationalist thinking. In the Carpentian novel, Esteban is cured of asthma thanks to ritual healers, factor that can be associated with magical realism. At other times, we tried to evidence some fabulous aspects in Il barone rampante and the Latin American baroque in El Siglo de las Luces. At the end of the thesis, we point out certain characteristics that approach even more the Il barone rampante to El Siglo de las Luces, since themes are discussed in common in both novels, such as the search for knowledge, loneliness, frustration, technological advances and hope for a better world by encouraging education, knowledge and revolutionary movements. In other words, there is the treatment of such important subjects as a revision of the past, in this case the French Revolution, serves to lead the reader to reflect on the contexts that the authors lived in the twentieth century, such as fascism and Resistance movements in Italy; of the dictatorship in Cuba, as well as the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, that is, resistance movements that necessitated a collective union so that there was indeed beneficial changes for the population, a fundamental condition that permeates the behavior of the characters in the analyzed literary works. These movements until nowadays are essentials for concrete transformations in society around equality, respect and the application of human rights for all.

Trata-se, nesta tese, de analisar o conceito de república de Condorcet. Para mostrar como este conceito é construído, procuramos identificar, em primeiro lugar, a questão da origem das primeiras repúblicas no Esboço de um quadro histórico dos progressos do espírito humano para entendermos como o filósofo examinou o conceito de república na perspectiva do progresso e da perfectibilidade dos homens. Para construir o conceito, o filósofo analisou as questões relativas à liberdade e à igualdade, no que diz respeito aos direitos naturais, civis e políticos dos homens. Discutiremos sobre o equilíbrio entre a liberdade e a igualdade e sua importância para a construção da república em Condorcet. Abordaremos a importância das Declarações dos direitos do homem e do cidadão na constituição da república, visto que muitos revolucionários, dentre eles o próprio Condorcet, afirmavam que uma constituição de uma nação só seria racional, legítima e aceitável se seguisse os princípios da Declaração dos direitos do homem e do cidadão, anteriormente aprovada. E, por fim analisamos o papel dos legisladores na república moderna, visto que essas repúblicas seriam eminentemente representativas. O conceito de república em Condorcet é assim traçado nas tramas da sua ação política. / In this thesis, we aim to analyze the concept of republic in Condorcet. In order to show how theorists built this concept, we sought to identify, first, the question of the origin of the first republics at Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Spirit to understand how the philosopher examined the concept of republic in view of progress and human perfectibility. In order to build the concept, the philosopher examined the issues relating to liberty and equality, concerning to the natural, civil and political rights of men. We will discuss the balance between liberty and equality, and its importance for the construction of the republic in Condorcet. We will also discuss the importance of the Declarations of the rights of man and citizen for the constitution of the republic, as many revolutionaries, including Condorcet himself, argued that a constitution of a nation would only be rational, legitimate and acceptable if it follows the principles of the Declaration of the rights of man and citizen, previously approved. Finally, we analyze the role of legislators at modern republic, since these republics would be eminently representatives. The concept of republic in Condorcet is thus traced in the plots of their political action.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar como o romance A Tale of Two Cities de Charles Dickens reflete em sua estrutura questões políticas importantes que estavam presentes na sociedade inglesa no século XIX, principalmente a formação na Inglaterra de uma cultura antirrevolucionária que pintava a Revolução, usando o exemplo Francês, como um episódio comandado por uma multidão desvairada e fora de controle. Essa cultura encontra-se presente na forma como Dickens figurou a Revolução Francesa, nas incessantes comparações que faz entre a França e a Inglaterra e na constante oscilação no posicionamento do narrador. Ao mesmo tempo, a análise do romance nos permite ver que essa mesma cultura não excluiu totalmente a percepção de que a situação clamava por mudanças. Nossa hipótese é que subjacente ao enredo do romance e aderido à sua estrutura encontra-se a discussão acerca de duas soluções para a crise pressentida: a Reforma e a Revolução. O romance suscita, por causa da volubilidade do narrador, a defesa das duas posições, ora pendendo para a Revolução, pela crítica à aristocracia, ora para a Reforma, ao promover a demonização das massas. Defenderemos que essa oscilação culmina na construção de uma terceira solução, que, apesar de ser à primeira vista conservadora, torna-se radical ao expor a impossibilidade de outra saída política quando a Revolução é excluída do horizonte de possiblidades. / The objective of this thesis is to analyze how the novel A Tale of Two Cities by Charles Dickens reflects in its structure important political issues which were part of the English society in the 19th Century, mainly the construction of a counter-revolutionary culture which portrayed the Revolution, using the French example, as an episode led by a crazed mob. This culture is present in the way Dickens depicted the Revolution, in the recurrent comparisons between France and England and in the continuous shift in the narrators opinion. At the same time, the analysis of the novel enables us to observe that this very culture did not exclude the perception that the situation claimed for changes. Our hypothesis is that the issue underlying the plot of the novel and interwoven in its structure is the discussion about two solutions to the perceived crisis: Reform and Revolution. The novel raises, because of the volubility of the narrator, arguments in the defense of both positions, sometimes advocating the Revolution in the criticism against the aristocracy, sometimes supporting the Reform, in the demonising of the mob. We argue that the alternation between these two positions culminates in the construction of a third solution, which, althought conservative at first sight, turns out to be radical for exposing the impossilbity of any other political solution when the Revolution is excluded as a possiblility.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo o estudo dos escritos de Thomas Paine para poder elaborar filosoficamente sua concepção democráticarepublicana no contexto da Filosofia das Luzes e sobretudo, no quadro histórico das revoluções americana e francesa do final do século XVIII. A ambição deste escritor é precisamente ajudar à construção de um Estado em que as decisões políticas são tomadas pelo sufrágio universal, em que todo o povo é progressivamente incorporado à cidadania e tratado com igualdade de direitos, e que pela vocação laica este Estado mantem-se completamente independente de toda tendência de natureza religiosa. Seus escritos, sua vida e algumas interlocuções com seus contemporâneos serão examinados ao longo deste trabalho. / This research aims to study Thomas Paine\'s writings in order to elaborate philosophically his republican-democratic conception in the context of the Philosophy of Enlightenment and especially in the historical framework of the American and French revolutions of the late eighteen\'s century. This author\'s ambition is precisely to help build a state in which political decisions result from universal suffrage, where all people are progressively integrated into citizenship and have equal rights, a state that by its laical vocation is kept completely independent from all religious influence. His writings, his life and some debates with his contemporaries will be examined in the course of this work.

O objetivo de nossa pesquisa foi de explorar a interpretação maistreana da Revolução Francesa, a qual, ao contrário do que postula o senso-comum de boa parte da historiografia, não se limitou às Considerações sobre a França (1797) e sua temática providencialista, pois se manifestou em muitos outros escritos distribuídos entre os 14 volumes de suas Obras Completas e seus inúmeros \'\'Registros de Leitura\'\'. Maistre teve o mérito de integrar sua leitura da Revolução nos quadros da modernização do Ocidente, cujos pressupostos, expressos pela Reforma Protestante e pela Ilustração, permitiram-lhe explicar não apenas a Revolução em França, mas também profetizar o advento de uma era das revoluções. Fundamentalmente, procuramos demonstrar como a reação de Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) ao projeto Ilustrado - e, por extensão, revolucionário - para a humanidade não apenas coincide, surpreendentemente, com o modo como se interpreta contemporaneamente a gênese do mundo moderno, como, apesar de seu caráter e intenções profundamente conservadores, encontra-se amparada em premissas indelevelmente humanistas e racionalistas / This thesis aims to study the Maistrean interpretation of the French Revolution, which, contrary to the common view postulated by great part of the historiography, was not confined to the famous providential treatment exposed in the Considérations sur la France (1797), but manifested instead in many other writings distributed along the 14 volumes of his Collected Works, not to mention the thousands pages of his unpublished notebooks. We would like to show that Maistre had the merit of considering the French Revolution in the light of the long-term historical process of modernization of the West, whose guidelines, expressed by the Protestant Reformation and the Enlightenment, allowed him to explain not only the Revolution in France, but also to predict the advent of an \'age of revolutions \'. Above all, we seek to demonstrate how Joseph de Maistre\'s (1753-1821) critique of the Enlightenment - and, by extension, revolutionary - project to humanity is, surprisingly, not only coincident with the way recent scholars interpret the genesis of the modern world, but, despite its deeply conservative character and intentions, is also supported by indelibly humanist and rationalist assumptions

L’opéra sauvetage s’est développé rapidement en France durant la Révolution française, principalement dans l’opéra-comique, puis est assez vite passé de mode sous l’Empire. L’opéra sauvetage se définit surtout en fonction de ses caractéristiques littéraires. Le livret met en scène un héros ou un groupe sauvé de la mort ou d’un avenir contraire à ses désirs après que l’injustice ou la malveillance l’a persécuté. Le sauvetage arrive à l’instant le plus critique. Nous nous sommes interrogée sur l’efficacité dramatique des intrigues, musiques et mises en scènes proposées dans ces créations. Notre étude travaille donc sur l’énergie dramatique mise en œuvre dans les opéras sauvetage et surtout sur son calibrage selon le déroulement de l’action. Le terme « énergie dramatique » doit être compris comme le lien entre la construction d’un opéra et l’émotion que cette construction doit engendrer. Cette étude sur l’énergie dramatique se justifie d’autant plus que ce concept est au centre de l’intérêt d’un opéra sauvetage à défaut d’autres notions comme la virtuosité par exemple. / The rescue opera developed quickly in France during the French Revolution, mainly in the light opera, then is rather fast old-fashioned under the Empire. The rescue opera defines itself especially according to its literary characteristics. The notebook stages a hero or a group saved from the death or from the future against its desires after the injustice or the hostility persecuted him. The rescue arrives at the most critical moment. We wondered about the dramatic efficiency of the intrigues, music and directions were proposed in these creations. Our study works on the implemented dramatic energy in the rescue operas and especially on its grading according to the progress of the action. The term "dramatic energy" must be understood as the link between the construction of an opera and the emotion which this construction has to engender. This study on the dramatic energy justifies itself especially since this concept is in the center of the interest of a rescue opera for lack of the other notions as the virtuosity for example.

The aim for this study is to discern what Swedish history teachers and a few select text books view on history is and how they work around the planning and teaching surrounding political revolutions. The revolutions that have been studied for this thesis is the American, French and Russian revolutions, which have been picked for their magnitude and significance for Europe and the outside world in their respective time frame. The method chosen for the thesis is a qualitative content analysis, which has been applied onto both interviews that were held with four teachers of history, as well as onto an analysis of three different Swedish school books. The chosen theoretical framework was incorporated into the content analysis and is focused on views of history dependent on different historical perspectives on what has driven history forward. These views consist of: ideological/operator-driven, historical materialism, gender-based, ‘from-below’, ‘from-above’ and structural perspectives. The interviewed teachers claimed to operate after many different historical perspectives, and that their educational methods were mainly concerned with teaching the students to consider what their own perspectives were. The text books showed that they, at most times, operated after an ideological/operator-driven perspective with elements of historical materialism and structural perspectives. Both the teachers and text books spent the most time on the French revolution and the least amount of time on the Russian revolution.