O objetivo de nossa pesquisa foi de explorar a interpretação maistreana da Revolução Francesa, a qual, ao contrário do que postula o senso-comum de boa parte da historiografia, não se limitou às Considerações sobre a França (1797) e sua temática providencialista, pois se manifestou em muitos outros escritos distribuídos entre os 14 volumes de suas Obras Completas e seus inúmeros \'\'Registros de Leitura\'\'. Maistre teve o mérito de integrar sua leitura da Revolução nos quadros da modernização do Ocidente, cujos pressupostos, expressos pela Reforma Protestante e pela Ilustração, permitiram-lhe explicar não apenas a Revolução em França, mas também profetizar o advento de uma era das revoluções. Fundamentalmente, procuramos demonstrar como a reação de Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) ao projeto Ilustrado - e, por extensão, revolucionário - para a humanidade não apenas coincide, surpreendentemente, com o modo como se interpreta contemporaneamente a gênese do mundo moderno, como, apesar de seu caráter e intenções profundamente conservadores, encontra-se amparada em premissas indelevelmente humanistas e racionalistas / This thesis aims to study the Maistrean interpretation of the French Revolution, which, contrary to the common view postulated by great part of the historiography, was not confined to the famous providential treatment exposed in the Considérations sur la France (1797), but manifested instead in many other writings distributed along the 14 volumes of his Collected Works, not to mention the thousands pages of his unpublished notebooks. We would like to show that Maistre had the merit of considering the French Revolution in the light of the long-term historical process of modernization of the West, whose guidelines, expressed by the Protestant Reformation and the Enlightenment, allowed him to explain not only the Revolution in France, but also to predict the advent of an \'age of revolutions \'. Above all, we seek to demonstrate how Joseph de Maistre\'s (1753-1821) critique of the Enlightenment - and, by extension, revolutionary - project to humanity is, surprisingly, not only coincident with the way recent scholars interpret the genesis of the modern world, but, despite its deeply conservative character and intentions, is also supported by indelibly humanist and rationalist assumptions

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as leis relativas à propriedade fundiária votadas sob a República jacobina (2 de junho de 1793 - 27 de julho de 1794). Durante o período em que estiveram no poder, os jacobinos promoveram uma reforma do instituto da propriedade que levaria, por um lado, a uma reconstrução da propriedade individual tal como ela era concebida pelo direito romano e, por outro, a um esforço de democratização do acesso à terra e de reforço da pequena propriedade camponesa. O objetivo desta dissertação é o de relacionar o conjunto da legislação produzida no período com o modelo social pregado por Robespierre e seus seguidores, um ideal que parecia apontar para uma sociedade de pequenos produtores independentes. / The aim of the present work is to study the laws concerning territorial property that were voted under the Jacobin Republic (june 2nd, 1793 - july 27, 1794). During the time they were in power, the jacobins promoted a legal reform of property that would lead, on the one hand, to a reconstruction of individual property as it was conceived by ancient Roman law and, on the other hand, to an effort of democratization of land access and strengthening of small peasant property. This dissertation\'s main objective is to establish a link between the legislation produced during that period and the social model preached by Robespierre and his followers, an ideal that seemed to point to a society of small independent producers.

Trata-se, nesta tese, de analisar o conceito de república de Condorcet. Para mostrar como este conceito é construído, procuramos identificar, em primeiro lugar, a questão da origem das primeiras repúblicas no Esboço de um quadro histórico dos progressos do espírito humano para entendermos como o filósofo examinou o conceito de república na perspectiva do progresso e da perfectibilidade dos homens. Para construir o conceito, o filósofo analisou as questões relativas à liberdade e à igualdade, no que diz respeito aos direitos naturais, civis e políticos dos homens. Discutiremos sobre o equilíbrio entre a liberdade e a igualdade e sua importância para a construção da república em Condorcet. Abordaremos a importância das Declarações dos direitos do homem e do cidadão na constituição da república, visto que muitos revolucionários, dentre eles o próprio Condorcet, afirmavam que uma constituição de uma nação só seria racional, legítima e aceitável se seguisse os princípios da Declaração dos direitos do homem e do cidadão, anteriormente aprovada. E, por fim analisamos o papel dos legisladores na república moderna, visto que essas repúblicas seriam eminentemente representativas. O conceito de república em Condorcet é assim traçado nas tramas da sua ação política. / In this thesis, we aim to analyze the concept of republic in Condorcet. In order to show how theorists built this concept, we sought to identify, first, the question of the origin of the first republics at Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Spirit to understand how the philosopher examined the concept of republic in view of progress and human perfectibility. In order to build the concept, the philosopher examined the issues relating to liberty and equality, concerning to the natural, civil and political rights of men. We will discuss the balance between liberty and equality, and its importance for the construction of the republic in Condorcet. We will also discuss the importance of the Declarations of the rights of man and citizen for the constitution of the republic, as many revolutionaries, including Condorcet himself, argued that a constitution of a nation would only be rational, legitimate and acceptable if it follows the principles of the Declaration of the rights of man and citizen, previously approved. Finally, we analyze the role of legislators at modern republic, since these republics would be eminently representatives. The concept of republic in Condorcet is thus traced in the plots of their political action.

Les Républiques soeurs, sont les républiques créées, aux Pays-Bas, en Italie, et en Suisse, pendant la Révolution, grâce à l'intervention militaire française et dont la constitution s'inspire fortement de celle du Directoire. Parmi ces dix constitutions datées de 1796 à 1799, certaines ont été simplement octroyées par la France, d'autres ont été adoptées plus librement. A ce moment où les puissances européennes font face à l'expansion de la Grande nation, celle-ci veut être entourée de républiques faites à son image, alliées, et même dociles, afin de se constituer un glacis protecteur. Ces constitutions sont donc établies grâce à la force des armes françaises, mais elles sont censées réaliser la liberté des peuples révolutionnés. Ces derniers, libérés d'une tutelle étrangère, ou d'un système inégalitaire, doivent connaître une émancipation à travers l'idéal républicain exprimé dans les constitutions. Or, la Constitution de l'an III, qui leur a servi de modèle, est elle-même la traduction d'un dilemme. Les Thermidoriens veulent clore l'épisode jacobin, tout en maintenant les acquis républicains. Les Républiques soeurs sont ainsi souvent décrites comme le lieu des expérimentations constitutionnelles qui ne peuvent être menées en France. Il s'agit donc, à travers une analyse constitutionnelle, de comparer les traductions de l'idéal républicain dans ces textes, et d'en montrer les différences par rapport au modèle français de 1795, afin de mesurer leur possibilité d'adaptation. Cette recherche des originalités des Constitutions des Républiques soeurs devant l'apport de l'idéal républicain, nécessite de passer par les thèmes qui constituent cet idéal, à savoir ceux de l'égalité, des droits, des libertés, de la garantie des droits, de la citoyenneté, de la souveraineté, de la représentation, et de la séparation des pouvoirs. / The Sister Republics were created in Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands through military intervention, during the French Revolution, and their constitutions are very much alike that of the Directoire. Of these ten Constitutions, adopted between 1796 and 1799, some were simply granted by France while others were passed on a more autonomous basis.At a time when the European powers were unable to contain the expansion of the Great nation, the latter wanted to surround itself with Republics built in its image, allied, even docile so as to surround itself in a protective glacis. These Constitutions were, thus, set up thanks to the French army's action, although they were meant to enforce the freedom of these revolutionized peoples. Freed from foreign dominion or from a non-equalitarian regime, they would experience emancipation through the republican ideal expressed in their constitutions. However, the Constitution de l'an III, upon which they were designed, was itself the expression of a dilemma. Thermidorians wanted to put an end to the Jacobin episode, while maintaining the gains of the republican regime. The Sister Republics are, hence, often described as the place of the constitutional experiments which could not be done in France. It is then question, through constitutional analysis, to compare the various translations of the republican ideal found in those texts, and to show the differences between them and the French model of 1795, so as to find out how adaptable they are. This investigation into the originality of the Constitutions of the Sister Republics in front of the republican ideal, will deal with the themes which are constitutive of this idea : equality, rights, liberties, protection of rights, citizenship, sovereignty, political representation and separation of powers.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as leis relativas à propriedade fundiária votadas sob a República jacobina (2 de junho de 1793 - 27 de julho de 1794). Durante o período em que estiveram no poder, os jacobinos promoveram uma reforma do instituto da propriedade que levaria, por um lado, a uma reconstrução da propriedade individual tal como ela era concebida pelo direito romano e, por outro, a um esforço de democratização do acesso à terra e de reforço da pequena propriedade camponesa. O objetivo desta dissertação é o de relacionar o conjunto da legislação produzida no período com o modelo social pregado por Robespierre e seus seguidores, um ideal que parecia apontar para uma sociedade de pequenos produtores independentes. / The aim of the present work is to study the laws concerning territorial property that were voted under the Jacobin Republic (june 2nd, 1793 - july 27, 1794). During the time they were in power, the jacobins promoted a legal reform of property that would lead, on the one hand, to a reconstruction of individual property as it was conceived by ancient Roman law and, on the other hand, to an effort of democratization of land access and strengthening of small peasant property. This dissertation\'s main objective is to establish a link between the legislation produced during that period and the social model preached by Robespierre and his followers, an ideal that seemed to point to a society of small independent producers.

Esta dissertação visa realizar uma revisão historiográfica da obra Considerações sobre a França (1797), de Joseph de Maistre, que representa um dos primeiros ensaios de interpretação histórica do fenômeno revolucionário em língua francesa e do ponto de vista da contra-revolução. Neste ínterim, pretendemos oferecer uma visão de conjunto do uso que a historiografia da Revolução Francesa fez das Considerações de Maistre. Simultaneamente, empreendemos uma síntese biográfica-intelectual do saboiano, com o objetivo de sublinhar a complexa natureza de sua reação à Revolução e ao Iluminismo reação esta caracterizada por uma excêntrica interação entre jesuitismo, iluminismo e filosofia das Luzes. Por fim, apresentamos ao público uma tradução dessa obra, ainda inédita em língua portuguesa. / The purpose of this study is to present a historical revision of Joseph de Maistres Considérations sur la France (1797), which represents a pioneering attempt of historical interpretation of the revolutionary phaenomenon in French language and from the point of view of the counter-revolution. In doing so, we intend to offer a panoramic view of the use made of Joseph de Maistres most famous pamphlet in the historiography of the French Revolution. It also provides a brief intellectual biography of the savoyard which tries to underline the complexity of the Maistrean reaction to the Enlightenment and the Revolution - marked by an eccentric interaction with certain currents of jesuitism, iluminism and the Enlightenment. Last but not least, we present a translation of the pamphlet, heretofore neglected in Portuguese.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo o estudo dos escritos de Thomas Paine para poder elaborar filosoficamente sua concepção democráticarepublicana no contexto da Filosofia das Luzes e sobretudo, no quadro histórico das revoluções americana e francesa do final do século XVIII. A ambição deste escritor é precisamente ajudar à construção de um Estado em que as decisões políticas são tomadas pelo sufrágio universal, em que todo o povo é progressivamente incorporado à cidadania e tratado com igualdade de direitos, e que pela vocação laica este Estado mantem-se completamente independente de toda tendência de natureza religiosa. Seus escritos, sua vida e algumas interlocuções com seus contemporâneos serão examinados ao longo deste trabalho. / This research aims to study Thomas Paine\'s writings in order to elaborate philosophically his republican-democratic conception in the context of the Philosophy of Enlightenment and especially in the historical framework of the American and French revolutions of the late eighteen\'s century. This author\'s ambition is precisely to help build a state in which political decisions result from universal suffrage, where all people are progressively integrated into citizenship and have equal rights, a state that by its laical vocation is kept completely independent from all religious influence. His writings, his life and some debates with his contemporaries will be examined in the course of this work.

En étudiant les textes du débat sur la Révolution française qui ont été publiés entre 1789 et 1815, cette thèse montre comment les métaphores naturelles ont servi à configurer des relations nouvelles entre la politique, la science et la littérature.La première partie étudie les métaphores naturelles en tant qu’instruments du débat sur la Révolution, envisageant successivement quatre fonctions rhétoriques : non seulement émouvoir et argumenter, mais aussi faire connaître et faire agir. La seconde partie étudie les relations entre les sciences de la nature et la politique. Elle porte sur les tentatives d’établir une véritable science politique à partir du modèle des sciences naturelles, sur les liens entre Révolution française et révolution scientifique ainsi que sur les stratégies discursives de promotion de la figure du savant. La troisième partie traite du débat sur la littérature qui se développe au cœur du débat sur la Révolution. Si les métaphores naturelles y sont remarquables pour leur force rhétorique et parce qu’elles mettent la littérature en tension avec la science et la politique, elles sont aussi des marqueurs littéraires : à travers elles, les écrivains légitiment leur œuvre, définissent leur rôle et s’inscrivent dans des traditions poétiques. Deux chapitres étudient spécifiquement les premières histoires de la Révolution.L’invention de la littérature comme usage fondamentalement esthétique du langage écrit est le résultat paradoxal de cette période où les liens entre la littérature, la politique et les sciences ont été particulièrement riches. / By studying a series of texts that debate the French Revolution between 1789 and 1815, this thesis aims to show how natural metaphors played a part in creating new relationships between politics, science and literature.The first part focuses on the rhetorical uses of natural metaphors in the debate. It studies how they were used not only to arouse emotions and to convince the reader, but also to produce knowledge and drive people to action. The second part deals with the relationships between the natural sciences and politics: first examining the attempt to create a new political science based on the model of the natural sciences, then analysing the relationship between the French Revolution and the scientific revolution, before finally considering the textual strategies used to create and promote the new figure of the scientist. The third part studies the debate about literature that developed at the centre of the debate on the French Revolution. In this context, natural metaphors are interesting not only because of their rhetorical power or because they create tensions between literature, science and politics, but also because they are used as indications of literariness: by using natural metaphors, writers legitimized their works, defined their social function and took their place in a literary tradition. Two chapters focus specifically on the first written histories of the French Revolution.The idea of literature as an essentially aesthetic use of written language is the paradoxical result of this period of deep and intensive interaction between literature, politics and sciences.

Although it has long been portrayed as the nation’s ‘moat defensive’, recent examinations of Anglo-French rivalry during the long eighteenth century have revealed that the English Channel was, in reality, a highly permeable and vulnerable maritime border territory. Within this context, the Channel Islands assumed a strategic and tactical significance which was vastly disproportionate to their physical size, population or resources; emerging as what Morieux terms ‘a lynchpin of control' over local shipping and trade. Although a great deal of research has been already undertaken – particularly in relation to the Channel Islands’ role as a base for commerce-raiding and intelligence gathering – much of this has covered the entire long eighteenth century. However, it was only during the Great French War that the British government embraced the military potential of the Channel Islands to the fullest; not only exploiting the inhabitants’ knowledge of the seas and intimacy with her ‘enemies’, but also transforming the archipelago into a chain of offshore fortresses. In addition, prior scholarship has often focused on individual aspects of the Channel Islands’ involvement in the Great French War; while local historians have tended to embrace the ‘Great Man’ approach, examining the period through the lens of the careers of local commanders. Consequently, this thesis seeks to provide a more complete picture of the Channel Islands’ role within Britain’s military and naval strategy; integrating an examination of local defence and security with several of already well-covered topics. Moreover, in light of the fact that existent scholarship has often centred upon ‘Great Men’, it is hoped that the thesis shall serve to better demonstrate the extent to which the celebrated achievements of Don, Doyle and D’Auvergne rested upon the efforts of a number of ‘unsung heroes’.

La thèse examine certaines conceptions historiques, politiques et sociales d'un personnage-clé de la Révolution française, Maximilien Robespierre, par rapport à la tradition du républicanisme-classique. Elle identifie des traits caractéristiques de la culture politique tirée des républiques antiques : leur rhétorique et leurs stratégies de légitimation du pouvoir, appuyées sur des valeurs morales des aïeux, grands hommes et pères des républiques de l'Antiquité. Portant attention aux modèles de morale politique, par l'approche méthodologique de l'école de Cambridge qui exige l'interaction indissoluble entre la rhétorique collective et l'application individuelle par des acteurs politiques, il s'agit de suivre le "double rôle" de Robespierre, à la fois penseur et homme d'action, dont les conceptions correspondent à une nouvelle culture politique, partagée et contestée par les membres de l'élite intellectuelle française du XVIIIe siècle. Il s'agit ainsi d'interroger l'évolution des références à l'Antiquité républicaine comme moyen d'identification et d'interprétation, en un moyen d'action politique activement employé par les députés pour réclamer une sorte d'authenticité révolutionnaire, et la transformation de l'idéal républicain à l'ombre des événements révolutionnaires pour construire une première expérience républicaine en France. / The present PhD project examines certain concepts of historical, political and social nature, that are ascribed to a key figure of the French Revolution, Maximilien Robespierre, and correspond to the classical-republican tradition. Hereby are traits to be identified that are characteristic of the political culture of ancient republics, including rhetorical strategies of legitimating power which are referencing moral qualities of famous and illustrious ancestors, statesman and founding fathers of the republics of Classical Antiquity. The methodological approach of the socalled Cambridge School, that claims an indissoluble interaction between a collectively used rhetorical style and its application by individual political actors, is being employed in order to draw attention to models of political moral and to follow Robespierre's "double-role" as political thinker and actor, whose concepts are corresponding to a new political culture that was shared as well as contested by his contemporaries, belonging to the cultural elite of eighteenth-century France. It is therefore interrogated the issus of the evolution of references to the Republican Antiquity from an approved rhetorical and artistic device to an instrument of political action at the end of the eighteenth-century, that had been actively employed by the deputies of the French National Assemblies in order to claim revolutionary authenticity ; as well as the transformation of the Republican ideal during the revolutionary process that made possible the advancement of a first republican experience in France.