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"Do not be a martyr to philosophy, which you will be, if you do not take more exercise, be a little more foolish, and look at the world with all its awkward things, its clumsy, lumpish forms, its fools, its cockscombs, and its scoundrels with more endurance". This study makes no pretensions to provide full biographical coverage of Hays's life (1759-1843) or a comprehensive, critical exploration of the total range of her works. A thesis produced in 1971 purports 'to provide a definitive study of her literary achievements [...] and to place the complete corpus of Hays' extant works (ten in all) in the perspective of the literature of her time [...]2 and I am indebted to this exhaustive study of the author and her background. However, as the preface to her thesis declares, Gina Luria had deliberately excluded consideration of the correspondence between Hays and William Godwin, then recently purchased by the Pforzheimer Library, New York, as she had intended future publication of it. Subsequently, the project was abandoned. I have made extensive use of this correspondence to explore Hays's novels and to challenge much of the adverse criticism surrounding her writing, which I believe is based on misreadings of the texts themselves as well as on a willingness to emphasise the notoriety surrounding the authoress as a female and then as a female Jacobin. Rather, I am focusing on the aspects of Hays's life which enabled her to articulate her concerns through a series of social and intellectual 'voices' which she systematically experimented with, but ultimately rejected. It seems likely that Hays felt a need to affix a label on herself whether it were Dissenter, Wolistonecraftian, Helvetian or Godwinian, and this need suggests that she was searching for an identity in a shifting and perplexing political and philosophical climate. The adoption of an identifiable 'position' might have suggested to her security and control. Most importantly, I am concentrating on the means she adopted in order to justify her apparent 'failure' to live up to the ideals of William Godwin.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo compreender e analisar o jacobinismo brasileiro tendo como foco os anos de 1894 até 1897. Pretende-se perceber como esse grupo conseguiu construir um projeto de personalização do poder em torno do Marechal Floriano Peixoto em momentos críticos da história República brasileira: durante a Revolta da Armada de 1894; no momento de transição do governo militar para o governo civil de Prudente de Moraes em 1894/95; e na ocasião da morte do Marechal Floriano Peixoto em 1895. Para tanto, o estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre a utilização do discurso jornalístico como instrumento na fabricação da imagem dos revoltosos da Marinha como restauradores monarquistas e de Floriano como herói da República, buscando assim, perceber igualmente a dinâmica de sua elaboração e as suas repercussões na sociedade brasileira. Chegaremos a conclusão que as forças jacobinas enfraqueceram no momento do atentado a Prudente de Morais em 1897, mas seus discursos ainda tiveram eco na primeira metade do século XX na República brasileira. / This work aims to understanding and analyzing brazilian Jacobinism focusing on the years 1894 to 1897. The aim is to understand how this group managed to build a customization project power around the Marechal Floriano Peixoto at critical moments of history the Brazilian Republic: during the Revolt of the Armada, 1894, at the time of transition from military to civilian rule Prudente de Moraes in 1894/95, and at the death of Marshal Floriano Peixoto in 1895.Thus, the study proposes a reflection on the use of journalistic discourse as a tool in the manufacture image of the rebels of the Navy as restorers and royalists Floriano as a hero of the Republic, seeking thus also understand the dynamics of its development and its impact on Brazilian society.Realize that the Jacobin forces weakened at the time of the attack on Prudente de Morais in 1897, but his speeches still echoed in the first half of the twentieth century in the Brazilian Republic.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo compreender e analisar o jacobinismo brasileiro tendo como foco os anos de 1894 até 1897. Pretende-se perceber como esse grupo conseguiu construir um projeto de personalização do poder em torno do Marechal Floriano Peixoto em momentos críticos da história República brasileira: durante a Revolta da Armada de 1894; no momento de transição do governo militar para o governo civil de Prudente de Moraes em 1894/95; e na ocasião da morte do Marechal Floriano Peixoto em 1895. Para tanto, o estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre a utilização do discurso jornalístico como instrumento na fabricação da imagem dos revoltosos da Marinha como restauradores monarquistas e de Floriano como herói da República, buscando assim, perceber igualmente a dinâmica de sua elaboração e as suas repercussões na sociedade brasileira. Chegaremos a conclusão que as forças jacobinas enfraqueceram no momento do atentado a Prudente de Morais em 1897, mas seus discursos ainda tiveram eco na primeira metade do século XX na República brasileira. / This work aims to understanding and analyzing brazilian Jacobinism focusing on the years 1894 to 1897. The aim is to understand how this group managed to build a customization project power around the Marechal Floriano Peixoto at critical moments of history the Brazilian Republic: during the Revolt of the Armada, 1894, at the time of transition from military to civilian rule Prudente de Moraes in 1894/95, and at the death of Marshal Floriano Peixoto in 1895.Thus, the study proposes a reflection on the use of journalistic discourse as a tool in the manufacture image of the rebels of the Navy as restorers and royalists Floriano as a hero of the Republic, seeking thus also understand the dynamics of its development and its impact on Brazilian society.Realize that the Jacobin forces weakened at the time of the attack on Prudente de Morais in 1897, but his speeches still echoed in the first half of the twentieth century in the Brazilian Republic.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as leis relativas à propriedade fundiária votadas sob a República jacobina (2 de junho de 1793 - 27 de julho de 1794). Durante o período em que estiveram no poder, os jacobinos promoveram uma reforma do instituto da propriedade que levaria, por um lado, a uma reconstrução da propriedade individual tal como ela era concebida pelo direito romano e, por outro, a um esforço de democratização do acesso à terra e de reforço da pequena propriedade camponesa. O objetivo desta dissertação é o de relacionar o conjunto da legislação produzida no período com o modelo social pregado por Robespierre e seus seguidores, um ideal que parecia apontar para uma sociedade de pequenos produtores independentes. / The aim of the present work is to study the laws concerning territorial property that were voted under the Jacobin Republic (june 2nd, 1793 - july 27, 1794). During the time they were in power, the jacobins promoted a legal reform of property that would lead, on the one hand, to a reconstruction of individual property as it was conceived by ancient Roman law and, on the other hand, to an effort of democratization of land access and strengthening of small peasant property. This dissertation\'s main objective is to establish a link between the legislation produced during that period and the social model preached by Robespierre and his followers, an ideal that seemed to point to a society of small independent producers.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar as leis relativas à propriedade fundiária votadas sob a República jacobina (2 de junho de 1793 - 27 de julho de 1794). Durante o período em que estiveram no poder, os jacobinos promoveram uma reforma do instituto da propriedade que levaria, por um lado, a uma reconstrução da propriedade individual tal como ela era concebida pelo direito romano e, por outro, a um esforço de democratização do acesso à terra e de reforço da pequena propriedade camponesa. O objetivo desta dissertação é o de relacionar o conjunto da legislação produzida no período com o modelo social pregado por Robespierre e seus seguidores, um ideal que parecia apontar para uma sociedade de pequenos produtores independentes. / The aim of the present work is to study the laws concerning territorial property that were voted under the Jacobin Republic (june 2nd, 1793 - july 27, 1794). During the time they were in power, the jacobins promoted a legal reform of property that would lead, on the one hand, to a reconstruction of individual property as it was conceived by ancient Roman law and, on the other hand, to an effort of democratization of land access and strengthening of small peasant property. This dissertation\'s main objective is to establish a link between the legislation produced during that period and the social model preached by Robespierre and his followers, an ideal that seemed to point to a society of small independent producers.

In the midst of Frances revolution, and the shockwaves it sent all over Europe and further, another revolutionary change took place. It was the threat of literature. This paper studies certain political actor’s solutions to the challenges that faced but also shaped politics and the technologies themselves, such as reading, in England during the 1790’s. For many the spreading of literature was an end in itself. It held the enlightenment promise of a world runned by reason. But it was also a means. The intellectuals typically associated with the revolution in France, and the welcoming of it in England, – say Voltaire and Thomas Paine – were all well versed in the workings of literature. Pitted against the revolutionaries we usually find political actors such as Edmund Burke. This paper argues for more nuanced and historical understanding of the conflict, one that doesn’t give literature any inherent properties, as an a priori radical tool. We need to understand these technologies as something that there could be a different kind of solution to than repression, that Burke and his fellow hostiles to the revolution rather shaped these technologies in a mould that would fit their political cast. In this way there was, besides the ideological disputes, a struggle for the nature of literature. This took shape through a renewed interest in educating the people in institutions such as Sunday schools, and by press efforts like the magazine Anti-Jacobin; or, the weekly examiner, which form the basis of the study. This paper argues that they changed the rules of literature. Therefore it is not the immediate introduction of a technology or media that necessarily is revolutionary – not Gutenberg, nor Arpanet – but when it is spread to the people and when certain protocols for the media is shaped, that is, when they are assigned a function. This paper is a study of the shaping of literatures protocols and with that the anti-Jacobins themselves.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina as consequências políticas da ordem constitucional iniciada em 1891 e a década do caos (1889-1898) que se instaurou após a Proclamação da República, a fim de investigar de que maneira o conflito em Canudos (1893-1897) ganha relevância na cena política, com o objetivo de situar sua importância para o processo de consolidação República. A República retirou do jogo político o Poder Moderador, que até então era o principal dispositivo de manutenção de conflitos institucionais, sobretudo pela capacidade de promover a alternância de poderes de maneira relativamente pacífica. A ausência do poder de moderação abriu diversas tensões no campo institucional e civil. Como as bancadas legislativas eram formadas sob tutela da influência dos chefes políticos estaduais, a desordem se alastrou a todos os níveis da federação. Os embaraços entre o Executivo e o Legislativo, tanto a nível nacional quanto estadual, serão abordados por meio de bibliografia selecionada, limitando o escopo estadual à Bahia. O impacto da guerra em curso nas movimentações políticas e institucionais será avaliado, sem abrir mão de bibliografia de apoio, a partir de cartas de atores relevantes, manifestações públicas e discursos parlamentares. A guerra de Canudos, que surgiu da entropia iniciada pela nova Constituição e que se arrastou para o estado baiano, se tornou a conjuntura pela qual Prudente de Morais foi capaz de isolar de vez os principais elementos que promoviam tensões e desestabilizações no interior da República, garantindo uma sucessão ao novo presidente civil relativamente ordenada. / [en] This dissertation examines the constitutional order initiated by the 1891 Constitution along with the decade of chaos (1889-1898) that followed the Proclamation of the Republic, in order to investigate how the conflict in Canudos (1893-1897) became politically significant and what role did it played in the consolidation of the republican political order. The Republic withdrew the Moderating Power from the political arena, which until then was the main institutional mechanism for solving political conflicts. With its absence, various tensions emerged in both political and civil spheres emerged. The resulting disorder spread to all levels of the federation, as legislative groups were formed under the influence of state political leaders. The dissertation explores the tensions between Executive and Legislative power, at both national and state levels, drawing on selected bibliography and focusing on Bahia. This work also evaluates the impact of the ongoing war on political and institutional actions, based on a range of sources, including letters from relevant figures, public speeches and press articles. The conflict in Canudos emerged from the republican entropy and became a pivotal moment for Prudente de Morais, allowing the president to isolate key elements that promoted destabilization within the Republic. Through this, he was able to ensure a relatively orderly succession to the new civilian presidency.

One of the most defining moments in the histories of British satire and the public sphere took place in the late 1790s in an abandoned house in Piccadilly. Here George Canning and several fellow conservatives began writing and circulating their weekly newspaper the Anti-Jacobin. Although the periodical has been critically neglected, it is a valuable model for exploring how literary (partisan) politicians attempted to form a rational and critical public sphere through their satiric poetry. Founded by George Canning and edited by William Gifford, the Anti-Jacobin seems to reflect a reactionary conservative's ideology and has been summarily dismissed because of this one-sided nature. In this essay, I suggest a more nuanced reading of both Canning's biography and his Anti-Jacobin poetry that will give a fuller and more accurate version of Canning, one that illustrates a moderate reformer who is concerned with centralizing the extremism of the 1790s.

Esta tese examina três escritos de Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborados durante a Revolução Francesa, os quais representam as reflexões mais radicais de seu pensamento religioso, político e social. Em primeiro lugar, será analisado o panfleto The Age of Reason, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo religioso, que teve sua primeira parte escrita em 1793 e a segunda em 1794. Contrapondo-se, por um lado, às religiões reveladas e, por outro lado, à descristianização do período jacobino, nesse texto o deísmo é apresentado como a face religiosa da democracia vindoura. Em segundo lugar, será analisado o texto Dissertation on the First Principles of Government, redigido e publicado em 1795, a mais acabada exposição da teoria democrática. A um só tempo contrário ao liberalismo termidoriano e crítico do que fora o jacobinismo, nesse texto Paine opõe-se categoricamente àqueles que pensavam a propriedade privada como um direito natural que poderia ser equivalente ou mesmo superior aos direitos naturais de liberdade e a igualdade. Por fim, será analisado o texto Agrarian Justice, expressão máxima de seu radicalismo social, produzido no inverno de 1795-1796 (publicado em 1797). Em reação tanto ao liberalismo irredutível dos termidorianos, quanto às propostas igualitaristas de Graco Babeuf, o texto apresenta-se como uma proposta de erradicação da pobreza sem romper com os princípios do que seria política liberal. Pretende-se captar o sentido do pensamento de Paine no contexto da Revolução Francesa e discutir a validadade da afirmação de Eric Hobsbawm na Era das Revoluções, segundo a qual Paine, radical nos Estados Unidos, seria um moderado girondino na França. Na contramão da maioria das interpretações correntes, a pesquisa objetiva repensar a figura de Paine, mostrando sua relevância como intérprete da Revolução Francesa e como nome fundamental para a história do pensamento político, religioso e social. / This thesis examines three writings of Thomas Paine (1737-1809) elaborated during the French Revolution, which represents the most radical reflections of his religious, political and social thought. In the first place, the pamphlet The Age of Reason will be analyzed, that contains the maximum expression of his religious radicalism, which have had its first part written in 1793 and the second in 1794. Contradicting, on the one hand, to the revealed religions, and, on the other hand, to the dechristianization of the Jacobin period, in this text, deism is presented as the religious face of the coming democracy. Secondly, the text Dissertation on the First Principles of Government will be analyzed, the most complete exposition of his democratic theory, drafted and published in 1795. Contrary to Thermidorian and critical of what Jacobinism was, in this text Paine categorically opposes those who thought private property as a natural right that could be equivalent or even superior to the natural rights of freedom and equality. Finally, the text Agrarian Justice will be analyzed, the maximum expression of its social radicalism, produced in the winter of 1795-1796 (published in 1797). In reaction to both the irreducible liberalism of the Thermidorians and the egalitarian proposals of Graco Babeuf, the text presents itself as a proposal to eradicate poverty without breaking with the principles of what would be liberal politics. This analysis seeks to capture the meaning of Paine\'s thinking in the context of the French Revolution and to discuss the validity of Eric Hobsbawm\'s statement in the Age of Revolutions that Paine, radical in the United States, would be a \"moderate Girondist\" in France. Contrary to current interpretations, this research aims to rethink the figure of Paine, showing his relevance as an interpreter of the French Revolution and as a fundamental name for the history of political, religious and social thought.