Abstract Decimal time. Analysis of a rational reform. Decimal tideräkning. Analys av ett rationellt förslag. Christina Rydberg    University of Stockholm. History of ideas. Bachelor’s study. Autumn 2014 Mentor: Elisabeth Mansén   The aim of this study is to try to understand why the late 18th century French attempt to introduce decimal time was a failure. The question is whether there are substantial differences to be seen when compared to the rest of the reforms, like the meter. What part did politics, science, implementation, design and public opinion play in the outcome? The study draws on primary sources on decimal time, such as minutes of the French Convention and Senate (Gallica data base), as well as secondary sources on the contemporary reforms. There are few studies on decimal time; but those of Michel Froeschlé and Lars Nystedt introduce important aspects. Literature is otherwise mainly focused on the spatial reforms and especially on definition and introduction of the meter. The method used is close reading with the purpose of identifying arguments and circumstances relevant to the outcome of the reform.  The result of this study concurs with prior research in the impression that the “revolutionary” halo of the calendar discredited decimal time, especially in other countries. Also confusion was created by old names given to the new hours and minutes. The watchmakers disliked not being able to sell their stock of handicraft. Finally, most people disliked fewer days off. This study further argues that the reform was given away by the French Convention in order to save the rest of spatial metric reforms including decimalization. It also highlights the ambiguity with which the reform was abolished by the politicians. The metric reforms had meant creating standards, defining units and agreeing on what mathematical base to be used. It is important to note that the arguments for abolishing decimal time were less negative to decimalization than to other parts of the reform. The study suggests that if the French reform on time had been limited to the decimal dimension alone, the possibilities for success could have been greater. Instead decimal time was introduced as part of a revolutionary era and disappeared with the persons who created this vision.   Key words: Decimal time, metric reform, Republican calendar, 18th century, French revolution

In analyzing the 1989 bicentennial in Paris, my point of departure has been that the French government, faced with the cool reception to the memory of the Revolution of 1789, was trying to make revolutionary heritage relevant to contemporary concerns, by using allegorical techniques of spatializing and visualizing history while consequently (yet paradoxically, since it ran against their intentions) effecting a smooth passage for this heritage into the world of commodity and spectacle. To analyze this dilemma, I investigated the mechanisms of representation and the tension between spectacle and politically engaged imagery. Drawing from the work of Water Benjamin, the thesis proposed to use allegory as a mode of political criticism and redemptive interpretation. The analysis of the programming of events, for example, revealed that it contained a moral tale of sacrifice, and praised the power of the memory of the Revolution to form a community, not based on ethnicity or shared history but on shared ideals. The analysis of the use of collage in the Bastille Day Parade revealed that it reworked Republican notions of ‘fraternity in a post-colonial era to reflect contemporary discussions of métissage and take a position on its relationship to democracy. By looking at this commemoration allegorically, the double meanings inscribed in the bicentennial program, exhibits, monuments and parade can be unpacked. But the allegorical critique is violent, it does not carefully excavate layers of meaning through a gentle and constructive hermeneutic circle, it requires that the objects that are being contemplated be in fragments. As the allegorist reassembles the fragments into new meaningful constellations, the constructions remain open, driven by the impossibility of recovering what has been lost, always pointing to the instability of meaning. The analysis of the commemoration recognized that commodification and spectacularisation happen, but through reversal it also showed that the 1989 bicentennial draws from a constantly evolving relationship to memory which allows for investment on the part of the public. Because the commemoration is a powerful form of visualizing and spatializing history that occurs in public spaces, many provocative images were taken up by the press and written about, which ultimately reconfigured present-day discussions about democracy and citizenship.

British radicals established a pro-revolutionary society in Paris in the late months of 1792, at a time when their own government, under William Pitt the Younger, had proscribed all overt support for the French Revolution. The expatriate club was founded at a crossroads in British political and diplomatic culture therefore, and at a vital stage in the course of the French Revolution. Often the victims of judicial pursuit in both Britain and France, the members of the British Club have been deemed "men without countries" by one nineteenth-century commentator. Yet British radical activists in Paris were not simply pawns in a wider diplomatic struggle. In the early French republic, they founded a radical community at White's Hotel, where political agendas intersected with private initiatives. This associational world was part of a broad network of reform stretching across the Channel. It was influenced by a tradition of enquiry and improvement which had developed in Britain during the latter half of the eighteenth century. This tradition led members of the radical community to engage with the Revolution on issues which dominated public debate in France but which also echoed their concern for the overhaul of British political culture. They intervened on the question of the foundation of a new republican constitution at the turn of 1793, providing a range of blueprints which reflected the varied nature of the club's political character. Some also wrote eyewitness observations of the Revolution back to Britain, sketching their impressions for an audience who had, in their view, been misled by a hostile British press.

This dissertation is an attempt to portray the revolutionary character of the American Civil War through a comparative methodology utilizing the French Revolution as both point of influence and as a parallel example. Within this novel context, subtle trends in the ideological development of the Republican Party's Radical wing undertake new meaning and an alternative revolutionary heritage takes shape around an idealization of the universalism of the French and Haitian Revolutions of the 1790s. The work argues that through a diffusion of ideas and knowledge of events from the streets of Paris into the fields of Haiti and onto the shores of the American coast, a small faction of militant abolitionists latched onto the ideal of the Haitian Revolution as their own legacy. By the late 1830s, this radical edge of the antislavery movement embarked onto two courses, both derived from and influenced by their newfound ideology. The first was towards violent direct action against slavery while the second aimed at legitimizing radical new legal theories and creating the political structure necessary to bring about their enforcement. While on the one hand John Brown and Gerrit Smith pursued militant action, on the other Alvan Stewart and Salmon P. Chase sought a political and legal redefinition of American society through the Liberty and eventually Republican parties. With the coming of war in the 1860s, these two trends, violence and radical politics, converged in the Union war effort. In the midst of the Civil War and the early fight for Reconstruction, Radical Republicans and their allies in the Union Army displayed themselves as American Jacobins. Through a set of comparisons with French Revolutionary events and political debates, this thesis argues that the result of the ideological development between the American Revolution and the Civil War Era in the United States was the creation of a revolutionary ideology parallel to that of French Jacobinism. By the time of their fall from power, the Radical Republicans had seen their ideals both lambasted as the radical edge of politics and then transformed into the status quo, helping to prepare the nation for modernity.

Gaspard-Hilarion Fornier d’Albe naît en 1769 au sein d’une famille appartenant à l’aristocratie protestante gardoise, bientôt anoblie grâce à ses activités négociantes. Il débute sa carrière militaire peu avant la fin de l'Ancien Régime, au terme d’une éducation exemplaire. Se distinguant dans les armées méridionales révolutionnaires, il est destitué comme noble et fédéraliste, puis réintègre l'armée pour participer à l'expédition d’Égypte. Il enchaîne ensuite les fonctions administratives à l'armée du Rhin, au camp de Boulogne puis dans les états-majors de la Grande Armée, avant de couronner son parcours par une défense de la place prussienne de Custrin pendant 13 mois en 1813-1814. Mis en retraite au retour des Bourbons, il mène une vie de bourgeois rentier à Paris, et – véhiculant la légende napoléonienne – se fait le relais d’un parti libéral protestant nîmois profondément traumatisé par la Terreur Blanche. Le général Fornier d’Albe se distingue davantage par ses aspects privés que par sa carrière militaire. Il lègue en effet à l’histoire trois écrits intimes d’une richesse exceptionnelle : le Journal d’Égypte, le Mémorial de Custrin et son journal de santé. Narrant à sa maîtresse le spleen qu’il ressent dans l’environnement égyptien et ses expériences sexuelles dans le premier, décrivant la descente aux enfers de la garnison de Custrin durant le siège de la place et analysant l’effondrement de l’Empire dans le second, il passe sa fin de vie à étudier la lente décomposition de son corps touché par un mal vénérien dans son journal de santé. Les écrits du “ for privé ” servent de fil conducteur à la biographie de ce notable bibliophile et érudit qui incarne les contradictions d’une génération qui façonna la France contemporaine. / Gaspard-Hilarion Fornier d’Albe was born in 1769 in a family of protestant aristocrats from the department of the Gard, soon ennobled thanks to their trade activities. He begins his career just before the end of the Ancien Régime after an exemplary education. Distinguishing himself in southern armies during the French Revolution, he’s dismissed as a noble and federalist, then reintegrated to participate to the expedition in Egypt. He’s then assigned to administrative fonctions in general staff, participates to napoleonian campaigns, and crowns his career with the defense of the place of Custrin during 13 months in 1813-1814. Retired when Bourbons return, he lives in Paris as a bourgeois with property incomes, and – conveying the napoleonian legend – becomes the relay of a liberal protestant party traumatised by the Terreur Blanche. General Fornier d’Albe is a lot more interesting because of the private aspects of his life than his military career. He leaves to history three intimate and extremely rich writings : the Egyptian Diary, the Custrin Memorial and the health diary. Telling to his mistress the spleen he feels in the egyptian environment and his sexual relationships in the first one, describing the horror of the siege of Custrin and analyzing the fall of the Empire in the second one, he studies the slow decomposition of his body because of e venereal disease in the health diary. Private writings are a common thread for the biography of this bibliophile and erudite notable who embodies the contradictions of the generation that shaped contemporary France.

Les arrêtés des assemblées générales des sections parisiennes sont les actes politiques et juridiques à travers lesquels les citoyens de la ville de Paris s’expriment et décident. Ils peuvent aussi bien contenir des mesures destinées à être appliquée localement la plupart du temps que des pétitions adressées aux élus, ou aux autres lieux de pouvoir. Ils portent sur des domaines très variés : subsistances, instruction publique, questions militaires, assistance et secours publics… L’an I de la République française, et plus précisément la période qui s’étend du 21 septembre 1792 au 5 septembre 1793 correspond à l’élargissement de la participation citoyenne (fin du cens), à la préparation par les législateurs d’une nouvelle Constitution censée entériner ces nouveaux droits, mais elle voit également la construction de nouveaux outils institutionnels pour faire face à une situation d’urgence, aux fondements du futur Gouvernement révolutionnaire.À travers les pratiques de la production (délibération) et de la diffusion (interactions des citoyens avec les autres acteurs) des arrêtés, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement des assemblées générale et quel « modèle » de la citoyenneté en ressort. En suivant le parcours de arrêtés hors de l’assemblée, notamment dans les assemblées d’élus que sont le conseil général de la Commune de Paris et la Convention nationale, il s’agit également de savoir comment la parole populaire façonne les choix politiques de la nation et entre en compte dans l'élaboration des lois. En quoi les arrêtés contribuent-ils à construire un régime d’un type nouveau, une république à la fois démocratique et représentative ? / The orders issued by the general assemblies of Parisian sections are politic and juridical acts used by the citizens of Paris to express themselves and take decisions. These acts can be local bylaws (applied in the area of the section), as well as petitions addressed to deputies or other authorities. They dealt with various affairs: subsistence, education, the military, public assistance, etc.The first year of French republic, especially from 21st September 1792, to 5th September 1793, see the extension of the electoral body (end of the ownership vote) and the drafting of a new constitution by the Assembly in order to consecrate these rights. New institutional devices are also designed to tackle situations of emergency in a time of war and civil unrest, and they become the foundation of the revolutionary government and the Terror.The study of the production and the diffusion of the decrees of the Parisian sections reveals how the general assemblies are organized and what type of citizenship they shape. Following the course of the decrees after their redaction in the sections, especially in the elected assemblies of the General council of the Paris Commune and the National Convention, one can see how the popular voice is taken into account in the drafting of laws and resulte in political decisions. In other words, it reveals to what extent the voice of the people influence the construction of a new government, the first democratic and representative republic.

In analyzing the 1989 bicentennial in Paris, my point of departure has been that the French government, faced with the cool reception to the memory of the Revolution of 1789, was trying to make revolutionary heritage relevant to contemporary concerns, by using allegorical techniques of spatializing and visualizing history while consequently (yet paradoxically, since it ran against their intentions) effecting a smooth passage for this heritage into the world of commodity and spectacle. To analyze this dilemma, I investigated the mechanisms of representation and the tension between spectacle and politically engaged imagery. Drawing from the work of Water Benjamin, the thesis proposed to use allegory as a mode of political criticism and redemptive interpretation. The analysis of the programming of events, for example, revealed that it contained a moral tale of sacrifice, and praised the power of the memory of the Revolution to form a community, not based on ethnicity or shared history but on shared ideals. The analysis of the use of collage in the Bastille Day Parade revealed that it reworked Republican notions of ‘fraternity in a post-colonial era to reflect contemporary discussions of métissage and take a position on its relationship to democracy. By looking at this commemoration allegorically, the double meanings inscribed in the bicentennial program, exhibits, monuments and parade can be unpacked. But the allegorical critique is violent, it does not carefully excavate layers of meaning through a gentle and constructive hermeneutic circle, it requires that the objects that are being contemplated be in fragments. As the allegorist reassembles the fragments into new meaningful constellations, the constructions remain open, driven by the impossibility of recovering what has been lost, always pointing to the instability of meaning. The analysis of the commemoration recognized that commodification and spectacularisation happen, but through reversal it also showed that the 1989 bicentennial draws from a constantly evolving relationship to memory which allows for investment on the part of the public. Because the commemoration is a powerful form of visualizing and spatializing history that occurs in public spaces, many provocative images were taken up by the press and written about, which ultimately reconfigured present-day discussions about democracy and citizenship. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

Ce travail porte sur les pratiques sociales et la politisation des ouvriers de l'arsenal de Toulon à la fin de l'époque moderne et durant la Révolution française, pour comprendre, par « en bas », comment naît un collectif nouveau : la classe sociale. Cette étude s'appuie sur des archives peu ou pas utilisées en histoire navale. Les sources médicales, judiciaires et notariées, sans négliger les correspondances officielles et les registres matriculaires ou cadastraux, permettent de découvrir toutes les dimensions, individuelles et collectives, des comportements quotidiens des travailleurs toulonnais. À partir des années 1760, les nouveaux rapports d'autorité dus à l'apparition du contremaître et de l'ingénieur, et la mise en oeuvre du libéralisme économique obligent les ouvriers à reformuler les contours de leur identité laborieuse basée sur les routines des chantiers et les expériences en mer. En revanche, la forte proportion de Méridionaux, la puissante reproduction sociale et la ségrégation socio-spatiale à l'intérieur de la ville perpétuent la dimension communautaire des ouvriers de l'arsenal. C'est dans le champ politique, au cours de la Révolution, que leurs pratiques et leurs représentations sont le plus profondément bouleversées. Ils participent alors à l'organisation du port, s'approprient les sections urbaines pour tenir leurs assemblées et accentuent une implication citoyenne par des modes de participation spécifiques qui transforment leur recherche d'économie morale en économie populaire politique. Notre thèse montre donc que la Révolution française a permis la constitution d'un collectif prolétaire et son insertion dans le monde contemporain des luttes sociales. / This work focuses on social practices and politicization of workers in the arsenal of Toulon at the end of the modern era and during the French Revolution in order to understand, from below, how comes a new group: the class. This study is based on few or no archives used in naval history. By analysing medical sources, judicial and notarized without neglecting official correspondence and matriculaires or land registers, we can discover all aspects of the daily behavior of workers in the dockyard of Toulon. From the 1760s, workers must reformulate the contours of their identity based on their laborious routines on docks and their experiences at sea because of the appearance of the foreman and engineer which enforces new authority reports, and of the implementation of economic liberalism. In contrast, the proportion of Southerners, the powerful social reproduction and socio-spatial segregation within the city perpetuate the community dimension of the workers of the arsenal. In fact, their practices and representations are most profoundly affected in the political field, during the Revolution. They participate in the organization of the port, the urban sections are used to hold their meetings and their citizen involvement is amplified by specific modes of participation that are transforming their search for moral economy in popular political economy. Therefore thesis shows that the French Revolution led to the establishment of a proletarian class and its inclusion in the contemporary world of social struggles.

Orientador: Italo Arnaldo Tronca / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T00:34:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_RaimundoNonatoPereira_D.pdf: 4226931 bytes, checksum: 1f953be188074aae5d3f48a1b91763ab (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: O presente trabalho objetiva discutir os influxos do imaginário social da Revolução Francesa no processo de construção da narrativa da Guerra de Canudos (1896-1897), em Os Sertões (1902), de Euclides da Cunha (1866-1909). A partir desse escopo, problematizam-se algumas das relações que vinculam as narrativas históricas e os relatos imaginários no corpo da obra citada, destacando a força das imagens relacionadas à Revolução de 1789 na tessitura do enredo euclidiano. Esta Tese apresenta cinco momentos principais. No primeiro capítulo, a partir de um esboço biográfico, abordam-se aspectos considerados relevantes acerca da vida e da obra de Euclides da Cunha. No segundo, discute-se a presença da Revolução Francesa no conjunto da obra euclidiana, argumentando-se que esse processo se constituiu no conjunto de acontecimentos históricos mais relevante no quadro das referências teóricas do escritor, posto que, para o autor, o paradigma francês apresentava-se como um padrão explicativo dos processos ocorridos na sociedade brasileira nas últimas duas décadas do século XIX. No terceiro capítulo, aborda-se a construção da narrativa euclidiana da Guerra de Canudos, mediante uma hipótese de trabalho que postula a existência de três momentos privilegiados desse processo: o primeiro, antes do contato de Euclides com o conflito sertanejo; o segundo, durante a presença do correspondente de O Estado de São Paulo na Bahia; e o terceiro, após o desfecho do conflito, materializado nas páginas de Os Sertões. No último capítulo, discute-se a ontologia discursiva de Os Sertões, problematizando-se as relações entre as categorias de historicidade, ficcionalidade e literariedade na composição narrativa euclidiana, destacando-se, ainda, as contribuições decisivas de uma versão histórico-literária da Revolução Francesa, o romance Quatrevingt-treize [Noventa e Três, 1874], de Victor Hugo (1802-1885), para o consórcio da ciência e da arte intentado por Euclides. Nas Considerações Finais, tomando-se como referência as discussões historiográficas contemporâneas acerca da narrativa, reitera-se que a análise da construção do enredo da obra euclidiana evidenciou um processo complexo, no qual o escritor se valeu tanto de relatos históricos quanto de narrações imaginárias, para comunicar aos futuros historiadores o seu juízo sobre a Guerra de Canudos / Abstract: This thesis at discussing the floods of the social imaginary of the French Revolution in the process of constructing the narrative of Canudos War (1896-1897), in ¿Os Sertões¿ (Rebellion in the Backlands, 1902), by Euclides da Cunha. (1866-1909). From this perspective, some of the relations that link the historical narratives and fictional accounts that are established in the body of the above mentioned work, highlighting the strength of the images related to the 1789 Revolution in the bulk of the Euclidian plot. This thesis presents five main stages. In the first chapter, relevant aspects of the life and work of Euclides da Cunha are dealt with from a biographical outline. In the second chapter, the presence of the French Revolution is discussed in the body of then Euclidian work and it is argued that this process was held in the most relevant set of historical events in the theoretical references of the author; since, for him, the French paradigm was presented as an explanatory pattern of the processes undergone in the Brazilian society in the past two decades in the 19th century. In the third chapter, the construction of the Euclidian narrative of Canudos War is touched on through the hypothesis that postulates the existence of three privileged moments within this process: the first one happens before Euclides contacts the backland conflict. The second one occurs while the correspondent from ¿O Estado de São Paulo¿ newspaper is in Bahia; and the third one after the end of the conflict which is materialized in the pages of ¿Os Sertões¿. In the last chapter, it is discussed the philosophical part concerning the human beings, bringing up the relations among categories of historicity, fiction, and literacy in the construction of the Euclidian narrative, bringing attention to the ultimate contributions of a historical-literary version of the French Revolution, the novel ¿Quatrevingt-treize¿ (Ninety-three, 1874), by Victor Hugo (1802-1885) to the group of science and art created by Euclides. In the final considerations, taking as references the contemporary historiographic discussions about the narrative, it is said that the analysis of the construction of the plot of Euclides work posed a complex process in which the author profited from historical accounts, as well as, imaginary narratives to communicate to future historians his judgments about Canudos War / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutor em História

In 1793, the British government embarked on a war against Revolutionary France that few expected would last twenty-five years and engulf all of Europe. Radical French policies provided an opportunity for William Pitt, the British prime minister, to endeavor to cobble a European alliance, including a number of Mediterranean states. These efforts never progressed beyond theory and negotiations because of conflicted policy and tension between the British diplomatic corps and Royal Navy over the strategic goals in the region. With diplomats focused on coalition building and military commanders focused on national objectives, British efforts never congealed into a unified effort to defeat Revolutionary France.