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No / This original volume seeks to get behind the surface of political events and to identify the forces which shaped politics and culture from 1680 to 1840 in Germany, France and Great Britain. The contributors, all leading specialists in the field, explore critically how 'culture', defined in the widest sense, was exploited during the 'long eighteenth century' to buttress authority in all its forms and how politics infused culture. Individual essays explore topics ranging from the military culture of Central Europe through the political culture of Germany, France and Great Britain, music, court intrigue and diplomatic practice, religious conflict and political ideas, the role of the Enlightenment, to the very new dispensations which prevailed during and after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic watershed. The book will be essential reading for all scholars of eighteenth-century European history.

This thesis discusses the reactions of American newspapers and elite individuals to French women in violence as perpetrators and victims during the French Revolution. Canvassing the years between 1789 and 1799, it includes papers, especially politically aligned ones, from across the states of America and attempts to assess the prescriptive nature of various reports. In includes case studies of common/working-class women, aristocratic revolutionaries (Charlotte Corday and Madame Roland), and Queen Marie Antoinette. Using newspapers with and without political affiliations, to either the Federalist or Democratic-Republican Party, it argues that the dividing ideological lines between these factions were not as steadfast and rigid as previously believed during this period. Though papers and individuals did adhere to party lines, their opinions toward women in violence were affected by other factors, such as their ideologies about violence. Building on historiographies of colonial and revolutionary American attitudes toward women in violence, gender ideology in the early Republic, and political parties in the 1790s, it seeks to illuminate American views toward women in violence during the years of the early Republic. / Master of Arts

This thesis is a study of the Jacobins and the French Revolution.

This Diploma thesis focuses on the investigation of impact of French Revolution into the development of political views of three Englishmen who represent three levels of view of revolutionary events: idealistic, radical and critical. Helen Maria Williams (1761-1827) represents an idealistic school of thought especially within the idea on universal citizenship and messianism of French Revolution. Simultaneously, she also represents some opinions of female population and their expectations relating to the status of women. Thomas Paine (1737-1809), a member of Convention and a supporter of the Girondists is an example of a radical religious view. The last of the trio is a physiocrat and a writer Arthur Young (1741-1820) who visited France before the Revolution. He became a witness and also a critic of the early revolutionary events. Key Words Helen Maria Williams, Thomas Paine, Arthur Youn, The French Revolution.

La congrégation de Saint Maur, fleuron de l’érudition monastique au XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles vécut 172 ans Si la vie quotidienne et l’observance tinrent compte de la Règle originelle de saint Benoît, sa constitution et son orientation intellectuelle furent novatrices mais la condamnèrent : Ses membres toujours à l’affût d’idées nouvelles trouvèrent d’abord dans le jansénisme matière à manifester leurs tendances à la chicane et à la polémique que l’esprit du Siècle des Lumières exacerba jusqu’en 1789. La Révolution mit brutalement fin à tous les conflits et les religieux, libérés du joug cénobite, se trouvèrent démunis devant leur nouvelle liberté. Certains en échange du serment à la Constitution civile du clergé obtinrent la sécurité d’une cure, ou bien se lancèrent dans le tourbillon des idées révolutionnaires, d’autres refusèrent toute compromission et se fondirent dans la clandestinité ou émigrèrent. La famille bénédictine de Normandie et de la Province de France opta pour l’Angleterre, la Belgique, parfois la Suisse, avant de s’installer pour une « concession de séjour » dans une Westphalie accueillante. / The congregation of Saint Maur, renowed for its high level of monastic scholarship in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries lasted for 172 years. While the daily life was based on the original benedictine rule, its constitution and its intellectual orientation were innovative but condamned it. Its members always looking for news ideas, found at first through the jansenism a good way of sowing their tendency to argue. Tendency that the spirit of Age of enlightenment intensified until 1789. The Revolution put an abrupt end to all their conflicts and the monks, freed from the cenobite’s yoke, found themselves helpless in their new freedom. Some, in exchange for allegiance to the Civil Constitution of the clergy, obtain the security of a parish or followed the new revolutionary ideas. Others refused all compromise and went underground or emigrated. The benedictine family and of the Province of France opted for England, Belgium, Switzerland sometimes, before settling for a « concession of staying » a welcoming Westphalia.

Thesis advisor: Paul G. Spagnoli / On October 5, 1789, several hundred women first converged on the Parisian municipal government, then marched undeterred on Versailles to demand the king's aid in relieving the dire bread shortage in the city. By the end of the next day however, the women returned triumphantly to the capital not only with bread, but with the entire royal family, the National Guard, and National Assembly's promise to relocate to Paris as well. This revolutionary journée is referred to as the October Days, and this thesis seeks to address its spontaneous and premeditated origins. I argue that although the journée was not the result of an overarching conspiracy, its themes and actions had precursors in the early months of the Revolution and the years before. Also, by undertaking a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the ensuing judicial investigation of the movement, I have attempted to provide a grounding for the October Day's most important primary source through which some of the journée's most controversial aspects can be examined. Finally, I argue that this judicial inquiry significantly contributed to the polarization of the National Assembly as le peuple forced the political elites to take sides over the investigation. Thus, between October 5, 1789 and October 1, 1790 le peuple continued its struggle to reinforce the sovereignty with which it had been endowed. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Thesis advisor: Ourida Mostefai / This thesis addresses the role of dress in the blurring of social class lines in pre-revolutionary France. The Ancien Régime had a set code for costume, in accordance with rank and birth. I outline this particular order, and the resulting disorder from this social structure through factual evidence and literary examples. The second part will discuss the creation and practice of fashion in the 18th century, leading up to the Estates General of 1789. This building significance of appearance in France made dress both a political and social tool that became incredibly useful during the French Revolution. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Romance Languages and Literature. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar como o romance A Tale of Two Cities de Charles Dickens reflete em sua estrutura questões políticas importantes que estavam presentes na sociedade inglesa no século XIX, principalmente a formação na Inglaterra de uma cultura antirrevolucionária que pintava a Revolução, usando o exemplo Francês, como um episódio comandado por uma multidão desvairada e fora de controle. Essa cultura encontra-se presente na forma como Dickens figurou a Revolução Francesa, nas incessantes comparações que faz entre a França e a Inglaterra e na constante oscilação no posicionamento do narrador. Ao mesmo tempo, a análise do romance nos permite ver que essa mesma cultura não excluiu totalmente a percepção de que a situação clamava por mudanças. Nossa hipótese é que subjacente ao enredo do romance e aderido à sua estrutura encontra-se a discussão acerca de duas soluções para a crise pressentida: a Reforma e a Revolução. O romance suscita, por causa da volubilidade do narrador, a defesa das duas posições, ora pendendo para a Revolução, pela crítica à aristocracia, ora para a Reforma, ao promover a demonização das massas. Defenderemos que essa oscilação culmina na construção de uma terceira solução, que, apesar de ser à primeira vista conservadora, torna-se radical ao expor a impossibilidade de outra saída política quando a Revolução é excluída do horizonte de possiblidades. / The objective of this thesis is to analyze how the novel A Tale of Two Cities by Charles Dickens reflects in its structure important political issues which were part of the English society in the 19th Century, mainly the construction of a counter-revolutionary culture which portrayed the Revolution, using the French example, as an episode led by a crazed mob. This culture is present in the way Dickens depicted the Revolution, in the recurrent comparisons between France and England and in the continuous shift in the narrators opinion. At the same time, the analysis of the novel enables us to observe that this very culture did not exclude the perception that the situation claimed for changes. Our hypothesis is that the issue underlying the plot of the novel and interwoven in its structure is the discussion about two solutions to the perceived crisis: Reform and Revolution. The novel raises, because of the volubility of the narrator, arguments in the defense of both positions, sometimes advocating the Revolution in the criticism against the aristocracy, sometimes supporting the Reform, in the demonising of the mob. We argue that the alternation between these two positions culminates in the construction of a third solution, which, althought conservative at first sight, turns out to be radical for exposing the impossilbity of any other political solution when the Revolution is excluded as a possiblility.

No final do século XVIII, o poderio econômico da França repousava essencialmente sobre o comércio que o país realizava com as suas colônias. Graças, principalmente, ao açúcar e ao café de São Domingos, a \"pérola das Antilhas\", o comércio colonial francês atingia o seu auge no mesmo momento em que o país rumava para um processo violento de transformação de suas instituições. Ao mesmo tempo, havia, na metrópole, questionamentos a respeito da gestão de colônias cada vez mais povoadas de escravos, arrancados de seus lares para exercer o cultivo nas plantations. Nesse contexto, em 1788, formou-se a primeira organização antiescravista francesa, a Sociedade dos Amigos dos Negros. Sob a liderança de alguns dos principais personagens do período revolucionário, como Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette e Condorcet, essa sociedade de nobres, homens de letras e financistas procurou introduzir a questão do tráfico negreiro na ordem do dia dos debates políticos que marcaram a Revolução francesa. Procuramos, no presente trabalho, retraçar a atividade desses homens, cuja moderação contrasta com o rumo que a questão colonial tomou, a partir da grande insurreição dos escravos em São Domingos, de agosto de 1791. Acreditamos que o estudo dos limites do discurso antiescravista do final do século XVIII e da política colonial das assembleias revolucionárias traz consigo ensinamentos sobre os limites da própria Revolução francesa. / At the end of the 18th century, France\'s economic power relied foremost on trade with its colonies. Thanks to the sugar and coffee produced in Saint-Domingue, the \"pearl of the Antilles\", French colonial commerce reached its peak at the very moment the country was moving toward a violent process of radical institutional transformation. At the same time, it was a moment of interrogations about the administration of colonies whose slave population was in continuous increase. In this context, in 1788, the first French antislavery organization was created, the Society of the Friends of the Blacks. Under the leadership of some of the key-characters of the revolutionary period, like 7 Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette and Condorcet, this society of nobles, intellectuals and financiers endeavored to bring the issue of slave trade to the political debate that marked the French Revolution. We intend, with this study, to retrace the activities of those men, whose moderation of principles was in contrast with the turn of events that marked the colonial space, with the slave insurrection of August 1791, in Saint-Domingue. We hope that, by approaching the limits of the antislavery program of the late-18th century and of the colonial policies of the revolutionary assemblies, this study might offer teachings on the limits of the Revolution itself.