O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar comparativamente as parcelas operacionais das práticas mortuárias entre sociedades pescadoras-coletoras que viveram no litoral centronorte de São Paulo entre em 5040 a 1381BP. Foram estudados os dados mortuários dos sítios Piaçaguera, Tenório, Mar Virado e Buracão. Entre a Baixada Santista e o litoral norte, um significativo número de sepultamentos foi escavado por arqueólogos da Universidade de São Paulo entre em 1962 a 2004. Foram formuladas 57 variáveis culturais e biológicas distribuídas entre 203 inumações. O Capítulo 1 apresenta as estratégias teóricas gerais e específicas em arqueologia das práticas mortuárias. As características estruturais e ambientais dos sítios arqueológicos foram esboçadas no Capítulo 2. O Capítulo 3 inclui as terminologias e classificações para a descrição dos sepultamentos e seus conteúdos. Nos Capítulos 4 e 5 são comparados os dados mortuários e descritos os contextos arqueológicos dos sepultamentos: corpo, acompanhamentos funerários e outras associações. No Capítulo 6 é apresentada uma síntese sobre a distribuição dos sexos e grupos etários entre os sítios e sobre as modificações diversas nos esqueletos, patológicas ou não. Apresentamos uma síntese das variações e similaridades no interior de instâncias específicas das práticas mortuárias entre os sítios e seus reflexos quanto as dinâmicas socioculturais envolvidas, carreadas intencionalmente ao sistema de símbolos mortuários pelas sociedades dos vivos / The objective of this work is to analyze the operational portions of the mortuary practices comparatively among fisher-gatherer societies that lived in the coast center-north of Sao Paulo (5040 to 1381BP). Between the Santos and the northern coast, a significant number of burials was excavated by archeologists of the University of Sao Paulo enters in 1962 to 2004. They were studied the mortuary data of the archaeological sites Piaçaguera, Tenorio, Mar Virado and Buracao: 57 cultural and biological variables were formulated distributed among 203 inhumations. The Chapter 1 presents the general and specific theoretical strategies in Archaeology of the Mortuary Practices. The structural and environmental characteristics of the archeological sites were sketched in the Chapter 2. The Chapter 3 includes the terminologies and classifications for the description of the burials and their contents. In the Chapters 4 and 5 the mortuary data are compared and described the archeological contexts of the burials: body, attendances mortuaries and other associations. In the Chapter 6 a synthesis is presented on the distribution of the sexes and age groups among the sites and about the several pathological or non-patologic modifications in the skeletons. We presented the synthesis of the variations and similarities inside specific instances of the mortuary practices between the four groups and their reflexes the the involved sociocultural dynamics, carted intentionally to the system of mortuary symbols by the societies

Submitted by Vanessa Nunes (vnunes) on 2015-03-31T15:22:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DanielaClaudino.pdf: 9632958 bytes, checksum: 0954be128f02183f0aabe6d49629d7cb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-31T15:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DanielaClaudino.pdf: 9632958 bytes, checksum: 0954be128f02183f0aabe6d49629d7cb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Nenhuma / O objetivo central desta dissertação foi estabelecer uma comparação do modelo de ocupação estável Xokleng, proposto por Farias (2005), com os sítios arqueológicos identificados no município de Rio Fortuna – SC. Este modelo presumiu que os Xokleng tiveram estabilidade territorial na encosta catarinense. No entanto, as fontes históricas e arqueológicas apresentaram dados divergentes. De um lado, documentos e entrevistas confirmaram a presença dos Xokleng. De outro, sítios arqueológicos caracterizaram grupos caçadores-coletores ligados a Tradição Tecnológica Umbu. De fato, os 66 sítios identificados através da bibliografia e da pesquisa de campo, demonstraram ocupação contínua. Porém, nenhum deles apresentou vestígios materiais descritos nos documentos históricos, pelo contrário, as pontas de projétil confeccionadas em pedra prevaleceram nessas ocupações. Por isso, caracterizamos a cultura material dos sítios arqueológicos e dos assentamentos Xokleng informados pela etnohistória. Estabelecemos semelhanças e diferenças entre estes dados. Visualizamos o contexto arqueológico na área da pesquisa, e nos municípios próximos. Avaliamos a contribuição da metodologia da história oral para as pesquisas arqueológicas. E, por fim, tentamos compreender a relação entre os Xokleng e a Tradição Umbu. Empregamos como metodologias o levantamento bibliográfico, levantamento documental, história oral e pesquisa de campo. Como nem todos os dados foram passíveis de comparação e outros não foram compatíveis com o modelo Xokleng, procedemos à elaboração de duas hipóteses na tentativa de fornecer pistas para futuras pesquisas. A primeira propõe uma associação entre grupos caçadores-coletores antigos e pequenos grupos Xokleng advindos do planalto catarinense; e a segunda, leva em consideração a primeira suposição. Neste caso, sugere que o processo de colonização iniciado por volta de 1850, no Vale do Rio Itajaí, teria ocasionado uma segunda migração da encosta norte para a encosta sul, resultando em alterações culturais. / The principal aim of the dissertation is to compare the model of a stable Xokleng settlement presented by Farias (2005) with the archaeological sites identified in the municipality of Rio Fortuna-SC. The mentioned model proposes that the Xokleng had a territorial stability on the slope of the highlands of Santa Catarina. However, the historical and archaeological data diverge: while the documents and interviews confirm their presence, the archaeological sites characterize a hunter and gatherer culture of the Umbu technological tradition. In fact the 66 sites identified in the bibliography and field investigation prove continued occupation. But, no site presented the materials reported by the written documents; on the contrary, lithic arrow points predominate in the archaeological sites. As a consequence, we are conducted to characterize independently the two sets of data: the material culture of the archaeological sites, and the settlement of the Xokleng as it is reported by documents. We explore the similarities and differences of the two sets, visualize the archaeological composition in the area and in the bordering municipalities, appreciate the contribution of oral history, and then, try to understand the possible relation of the Xokleng and the Umbu tradition. That for, we used the methodologies of bibliographic and documental investigation, oral history, and field work. Not all the data of the two sets permitted a comparison, so we elaborated a double hypothesis. The first proposes an association of the ancient hunters and gatherers of the Umbu tradition with migrating Xokleng groups. The second accepts the mentioned association and aggregates a migration from the Itajai valley to the new habitat when the valley was colonized par German immigrants. So the culture of the migrants differs from the former local indigenous dwellers.

This thesis is concerned with how prehistoric infants were fed in different physical and cultural environments, and in particular what impact the economic, social, and epidemiological changes associated with the development of agriculture had on infant feeding practices. In order to examine these effects, stable isotope ratio analysis has been used to assess the duration of breastfeeding and weaning in a variety of prehistoric contexts. The first study is of Pitted Ware Culture hunter-gatherers at the site of Ajvide on Gotland, Sweden. Breastfeeding usually continued for at least two years, but there was some variation in supplementary foods, which is attributed to seasonal variations in resource availability. The second study analysed a number of Neolithic and early Bronze Age sites from south-east Poland. Breastfeeding duration varied both within and between sites and ranged from six months to five years. The third study found that the infant feeding practices of two Iron Age populations on Öland, Sweden, were very varied, and infants may have been fed differently depending on their social status. The fourth study is of the childhood diet in the Únětice Culture of south-west Poland. Individual diets changed little during the lifetime, suggesting that eventual adult identity was determined early in life. A small number of infants in the study were found to have breastfed for differing lengths of time. The final paper considers the health consequences of introducing animal milks into the infant diet in a prehistoric context, and finds that their availability is unlikely to have made it possible to safely wean infants earlier. Comparison of the results from the four stable isotope studies to those of other published studies reveals that the modal age at the end of weaning was slightly lower in agricultural communities than hunter-gatherer communities, but the range of ages was similar. Weaning prior to the age of eighteen months was rare before the post-medieval period. It is argued that the gradual reduction in breastfeeding duration since the Neolithic, and the replacement of breastmilk with animal milk products, means that on the whole the development of agriculture probably served to increase infant morbidity and mortality. / <p>At the time of doctoral defense the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Manuscript; Paper 4: Accepted; Paper 5: Forthcoming 2014</p> / Lactase Persistence and the early Cultural History of Europe (LeCHE)

In this thesis I present a critical examination of Walters' (1987, 1989, 1992a, 1992c) model of late-Holocene intensification of Aboriginal marine fishing in southeast Queensland, Australia. I demonstrate significant problems in three premises central to his interpretation of prehistoric cultural change in the region. Firstly, environmental, ethnohistorical and archaeological evidence do not support the proposition that the coastal lowlands were a marginal landscape for human occupation at any time in the Holocene or that a time-lag occurred between sea-level stabilisation and Aboriginal occupation of the coast. Nor is there any palaeoecological evidence to support Walters' argument that periods of greater sedimentation occurring around 3,000 BP caused increases in marine resource productivity. Secondly, even if this enrichment did occur it does not correlate with changes documented in the archaeological record from this time. The occupational chronology demonstrates that significant increases in the number of occupied sites and the rate of site establishment does not occur until around 1,000 BP, some 2,000 years after the proposed enrichment of Moreton Bay. Finally, there is no consistent pattern of increase through time in the quantity of fish remains recovered from archaeological sites in the region. In interpreting this evidence I discuss major taphonomic issues and research biases which have played a significant role in structuring the archaeological database for the region. The Holocene archaeological record of southeast Queensland emerges as much more complex and variable than is generally portrayed.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:52:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 WagnoSPF.pdf: 1078094 bytes, checksum: d39dfabfdc5b06de9e657904cc04b020 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-21 / The research was carried out in the urban area in Cod?-MA, a small city the east part of Maranh?o, which has 4,228.000 km2 (IBGE, 2000) and population of 113,768 hab. (IBGE, 2008). The city is also inside Cod?-MA micro-region. The city is located in one of the lacking area in Brazil, where the Human Development Index (IDH) is approximately 0,558. It does not present an adequate model of management when talking about solid residue collecting. All of the solid residue produced and collected in the city is stored in an open area that they call lix?o , which is located in a residence area in the suburbs. Because of that, a problem that involves public health and environmental areas, we understand it is necessary to investigate the way the local government treats and manages the solid residue collecting, as well as, the social, economical and productive reality of those who are directly involved in the collecting itself, its productive chain of the material, including the handling, transportation and its final destiny. It means a social, productive, economical diagnosis, that in a such way,the local society and the organs of inspection can act in a better way to control the problems that include solid urban residue and come from a bad administration. That way, this work proposes to carry out a study that has as result a diagnosis with feasible alternatives on management, taking as basis, social and economical aspects that compound this productive chain. This work can bring great contributions to a better local reality through the introduction of an integrated and supported system of management of solid residue that includes a selective collecting and the creation of a sanitary area. Taking that into consideration, we can contribute to minimize the environmental impacts in Cod? Novo, caused by the garbage / A pesquisa foi realizada na ?rea urbana do munic?pio de Cod? MA, o qual disp?e de uma ?rea de 4.228,00Km2 (IBGE 2000) e uma popula??o de 113.768 habitantes (IBGE, 2008), pertence ? regi?o Leste do Estado do Maranh?o e est? inserida na Microrregi?o de Cod?. O munic?pio se encontra numa das regi?es mais carentes do Brasil, com ?ndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) na ordem de 0,558. O munic?pio n?o disp?e de um modelo adequado de gerenciamento dos res?duos s?lidos. Todos os res?duos s?lidos, produzidos no munic?pio, s?o despejados em um lix?o a c?u aberto, situado em bairro residencial da periferia da cidade. Por se tratar de um problema de grande amplitude, que envolve a sa?de p?blica e o meio ambiente, entende-se que ? necess?rio investigar o modo de gerenciamento dos Res?duos S?lidos do munic?pio, bem como a realidade s?cio-econ?mica e produtiva da popula??o de catadores, mas tamb?m a cadeia produtiva deste material, incluindo seu manejo, transporte e sua destina??o final, ou seja, um diagn?stico s?cio-produtivo-econ?mico, Esse diagn?stico pode Contribuir para que a sociedade local e os ?rg?os de fiscaliza??o realizem a??es de controle dos problemas gerados pela m? gest?o dos res?duos s?lidos urbanos. Desta forma, esse trabalho prop?s realizar um estudo que resultou num diagnostico, o qual tamb?m prop?e alternativas vi?veis de gerenciamento, tomando, como base, os aspectos econ?micos e sociais, que comp?em essa cadeia produtiva. O que visa contribuir para a melhoria da realidade local, atrav?s da implanta??o de um sistema de gest?o integrado e sustent?vel dos res?duos s?lidos, contendo coleta seletiva e implanta??o de um aterro sanit?rio. Para, desta forma, ajudar na minimiza??o dos impactos ambientais causados pelo Lix?o de Cod? Novo no munic?pio de Cod?-MA

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar comparativamente as parcelas operacionais das práticas mortuárias entre sociedades pescadoras-coletoras que viveram no litoral centronorte de São Paulo entre em 5040 a 1381BP. Foram estudados os dados mortuários dos sítios Piaçaguera, Tenório, Mar Virado e Buracão. Entre a Baixada Santista e o litoral norte, um significativo número de sepultamentos foi escavado por arqueólogos da Universidade de São Paulo entre em 1962 a 2004. Foram formuladas 57 variáveis culturais e biológicas distribuídas entre 203 inumações. O Capítulo 1 apresenta as estratégias teóricas gerais e específicas em arqueologia das práticas mortuárias. As características estruturais e ambientais dos sítios arqueológicos foram esboçadas no Capítulo 2. O Capítulo 3 inclui as terminologias e classificações para a descrição dos sepultamentos e seus conteúdos. Nos Capítulos 4 e 5 são comparados os dados mortuários e descritos os contextos arqueológicos dos sepultamentos: corpo, acompanhamentos funerários e outras associações. No Capítulo 6 é apresentada uma síntese sobre a distribuição dos sexos e grupos etários entre os sítios e sobre as modificações diversas nos esqueletos, patológicas ou não. Apresentamos uma síntese das variações e similaridades no interior de instâncias específicas das práticas mortuárias entre os sítios e seus reflexos quanto as dinâmicas socioculturais envolvidas, carreadas intencionalmente ao sistema de símbolos mortuários pelas sociedades dos vivos / The objective of this work is to analyze the operational portions of the mortuary practices comparatively among fisher-gatherer societies that lived in the coast center-north of Sao Paulo (5040 to 1381BP). Between the Santos and the northern coast, a significant number of burials was excavated by archeologists of the University of Sao Paulo enters in 1962 to 2004. They were studied the mortuary data of the archaeological sites Piaçaguera, Tenorio, Mar Virado and Buracao: 57 cultural and biological variables were formulated distributed among 203 inhumations. The Chapter 1 presents the general and specific theoretical strategies in Archaeology of the Mortuary Practices. The structural and environmental characteristics of the archeological sites were sketched in the Chapter 2. The Chapter 3 includes the terminologies and classifications for the description of the burials and their contents. In the Chapters 4 and 5 the mortuary data are compared and described the archeological contexts of the burials: body, attendances mortuaries and other associations. In the Chapter 6 a synthesis is presented on the distribution of the sexes and age groups among the sites and about the several pathological or non-patologic modifications in the skeletons. We presented the synthesis of the variations and similarities inside specific instances of the mortuary practices between the four groups and their reflexes the the involved sociocultural dynamics, carted intentionally to the system of mortuary symbols by the societies

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T21:32:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 7 Rossini de Araujo Castro1.pdf: 3153658 bytes, checksum: 6466ae5b8f1bbab8ec2cd31ce0b5209a (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro2.pdf: 1754295 bytes, checksum: 4696a6ca2ba5d8f5bec02d82fabbf1b3 (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro3.pdf: 2273521 bytes, checksum: 012d58bdcc2fca1499689e555100f27b (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro4.pdf: 2966925 bytes, checksum: cc780b26e8fb48041260984bfc683435 (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro5.pdf: 3029992 bytes, checksum: 560716bf8fc6a839ccb4e5d132cba37c (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro6.pdf: 2387323 bytes, checksum: 65b8b7169f3c058445e545ec883e2647 (MD5) Rossini de Araujo Castro7.pdf: 2038111 bytes, checksum: 011bc5e454c3665a4d68d16a4dcb7e62 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-02-25 / Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa / This essay aims at emphasizing Hélio Melo s course of life since his life experience in the Amazonian Rainforest up to his life in the city of Rio Branco, Acre. Our founding premise is that Helio Melo s art reflects his experience as a rubber gatherer; having in mind the woodman s way of life, Melo searches to draw, in his plastic and literary art, a sociology of Labor. The Amazonian environment is the theme of his art, which has shown the Amazonian flora, fauna and man in sketches, drawings and stories. Acre s history, since the colonization period, up to the Amazonian economic pattern changes (which have brought about such an expressive rural mass migration) and the rubber gatherer s, Indian s and river inhabitant s resistance in defense of the forest have been taken into consideration in Helio Melo s biography. This essay has also focused on the artist s main exhibitions, especially the 27th São Paulo Art Biennial (2006) which has had the merit of including Helio Melo among the contemporary artists of the world. His national and international exhibitions have been also considered in this essay. And in the final considerations some indicatives that the artist has experienced three phases of his visual art (labor sociology, class struggle and ecology) have been presented. / Nesta dissertação de mestrado busca-se ressaltar a trajetória do artista Hélio Melo desde sua vivência na Floresta Amazônica até sua vida na Cidade de Rio Branco (AC). A premissa que sustenta a argumentação é a de que a arte de Hélio Melo reflete sua vivência como seringueiro. A partir da reflexão sobre o modo de vida do homem da floresta, o artista procurou esboçar, em sua obra visual e literária, uma sociologia do trabalho. O ambiente amazônico é o tema do seu trabalho, que revelou, em desenhos e histórias, a fauna, a flora e o homem amazônico. Foi ponderada, na biografia do artista, a história do Acre desde a colonização, passando pela mudança do paradigma econômico da Amazônia, que causou um êxodo rural, até a resistência dos seringueiros, índios e ribeirinhos em defesa da floresta. São também mostradas as principais exposições do artista, com especial atenção para a 27ª Bienal de São Paulo (2006), coletiva póstuma do artista, que o incluiu no espaço de arte contemporânea. Também são avaliadas outras exposições nacionais. Nas considerações finais são apresentados indicativos de que o artista vivenciou três fases em sua obra visual, a saber: sociologia do trabalho, luta de classe e ecologia.

The Hadza, residing near Lake Eyasi in northern Tanzania, represent one of the last remaining hunter-gatherer populations. Inhabiting the same area as our hominin ancestors and exploiting very similar resources, the Hadza maintain a foraging lifestyle characterised by a sexual division of labour. Studies of their foraging and food sharing habits serve as the foundation to numerous hypotheses of human behaviour and evolution. Data from the Hadza have featured heavily in debates on the sexual division of labour. These debates focus predominantly on men’s foraging, including how and why men provision. Women’s provisioning, on the other hand, is seldom explicitly examined and is often presumed to be constrained by reproduction. This thesis contributes to debates on the sexual division of labour by investigating how a woman’s reproductive status affects her foraging behaviours. Observational data on women’s foraging are investigated from 263 person/day follows (1,307 hours total) across 10 camps between 2004 and 2006. These data present the first quantitative documentation of forager women’s eating and sharing outside of camp. Interview data on women’s reproductive timeline are also analysed from in-depth interviews with 58 women from 9 camps in 2015. Spanning from menarche to menopause, these data offer the first quantitative and qualitative documentation of forager women’s menstruation. The results demonstrate that Hadza women eat and share over 800 kilocalories outside of camp per person/day. They regularly give and receive food, including gifts of honey from men. Breastfeeding women are more likely to give gifts and give more gifts than non-breastfeeding women. When they bring nurslings with them outside of camp, they forage less kilocalories per hour. Post-menopausal women eat less relative to what they forage, are less likely to receive gifts, rest less and forage more than pre-menopausal women. Although Hadza women describe their foraging workload as most difficult during late pregnancy, no significant differences in eating, sharing, resting or foraging are observed for pregnant women. Menstrual data from the Hadza reveal that menstruation is not only culturally relevant to the sexual division of labour, but it is also biologically relevant to current understandings of fertility. The majority (60%) of Hadza women report not doing their normal work during menstruation. They also report menstruation-related taboos for berry picking. The thesis presents an in-depth review of women’s menstruation, from the duration of menses to the menstrual cleaning process.

A região de Lagoa Santa é mundialmente famosa pela quantidade, qualidade e antiguidade dos remanescentes esqueletais humanos nela encontrados. Entretanto, muito pouco é conhecido sobre as práticas mortuárias dos grupos que ocuparam a região. A versão vigente na literatura é que essas eram extremamente simples, expeditas e homogêneas. Na presente dissertação esse quadro é questionado. A partir da descrição dos 26 sepultamentos encontrados na Lapa do Santo, foi possível determinar que diferentes padrões funerários se sucederam ao longo do Holoceno. Portanto, as práticas mortuárias da região não apresentam a alegada homogeneidade cronológica. Dentre os padrões de sepultamento identificados no sítio, o de número 1 se destaca não só pela sua antiguidade (8800-8200 AP), mas por apresentar uma forte ênfase na manipulação do corpo, incluindo o caso de decapitação mais antigo do Novo Mundo. Portanto, o registro da Lapa do Santo indica um quadro muito mais complexo e sofisticado para a paisagem mortuária da região de Lagoa Santa do que aquele proposto pela literatura. Mais do que isso, mostra que, ao contrário do que se imaginava, a ênfase na manipulação do corpo no início do Holoceno não era uma característica limitada à região andina. / The Lagoa Santa region is famous for the quantity, quality and antiquity of its human skeletal remains. However, little is known about the mortuary practices of those who inhabited the region. According to literature this practices were very simple, expedient and homogeneous. In this dissertation, this scenario is challenged. Based on the descriptions of 26 human burials found in Lapa do Santo it was established that several distinct burial patterns occurred in the site during Holocene. Thereafter, the idea that in Lagoa Santa the mortuary practices were chronologically homogeneous can no longer be supported. Among the different burial patterns indentified in this site Pattern 1 highlights not only for its antiquity (8800-8200 BP) but also because it presents a strong emphasis in the manipulation of the body, including the oldest case of decapitation ever recorded in the New World. Thereafter, the burials from Lapa do Santo points to a more complex scenario for the mortuary practices in the region of Lagoa Santa than was previously though. Besides, it shows that contrary to was once believed, the emphasis on body manipulation during Early Holocene was not restricted to the Andean region, as was once thought. The mortuary practices of pre-historic hunter-gatherers from Lagoa Santa region: a case study of the Santo Rockshelter archaeological site.

A região de Lagoa Santa é mundialmente famosa pela quantidade, qualidade e antiguidade dos remanescentes esqueletais humanos nela encontrados. Entretanto, muito pouco é conhecido sobre as práticas mortuárias dos grupos que ocuparam a região. A versão vigente na literatura é que essas eram extremamente simples, expeditas e homogêneas. Na presente dissertação esse quadro é questionado. A partir da descrição dos 26 sepultamentos encontrados na Lapa do Santo, foi possível determinar que diferentes padrões funerários se sucederam ao longo do Holoceno. Portanto, as práticas mortuárias da região não apresentam a alegada homogeneidade cronológica. Dentre os padrões de sepultamento identificados no sítio, o de número 1 se destaca não só pela sua antiguidade (8800-8200 AP), mas por apresentar uma forte ênfase na manipulação do corpo, incluindo o caso de decapitação mais antigo do Novo Mundo. Portanto, o registro da Lapa do Santo indica um quadro muito mais complexo e sofisticado para a paisagem mortuária da região de Lagoa Santa do que aquele proposto pela literatura. Mais do que isso, mostra que, ao contrário do que se imaginava, a ênfase na manipulação do corpo no início do Holoceno não era uma característica limitada à região andina. / The Lagoa Santa region is famous for the quantity, quality and antiquity of its human skeletal remains. However, little is known about the mortuary practices of those who inhabited the region. According to literature this practices were very simple, expedient and homogeneous. In this dissertation, this scenario is challenged. Based on the descriptions of 26 human burials found in Lapa do Santo it was established that several distinct burial patterns occurred in the site during Holocene. Thereafter, the idea that in Lagoa Santa the mortuary practices were chronologically homogeneous can no longer be supported. Among the different burial patterns indentified in this site Pattern 1 highlights not only for its antiquity (8800-8200 BP) but also because it presents a strong emphasis in the manipulation of the body, including the oldest case of decapitation ever recorded in the New World. Thereafter, the burials from Lapa do Santo points to a more complex scenario for the mortuary practices in the region of Lagoa Santa than was previously though. Besides, it shows that contrary to was once believed, the emphasis on body manipulation during Early Holocene was not restricted to the Andean region, as was once thought. The mortuary practices of pre-historic hunter-gatherers from Lagoa Santa region: a case study of the Santo Rockshelter archaeological site.