This thesis is an exploration of the relationship between Black Americans and Palestinians. I trace the historical relationship between Black Americans and Israel/Palestine in order to show how Black Americans move from large, overwhelming support for Israel to solidarity with Palestine and the Palestinian people. This thesis tracks the relationship between Black Americans and Jews (both domestically and abroad), Black leaders who opposed the state of Israel prior to 1967, the large shift in Black American support for Palestine that occurs after the Six Day War of 1967, the relationship between Black Americans and Arab Americans, and the current day Ferguson to Palestine movement.

Cette étude vise à faire la lumière sur le discours politique du mouvement Hamas, dans le cadre d'une approche comparée critique qui s'appuie sur une méthodologie historique dans la recherche et l'analyse. Nous suivons le passage de ce Mouvement, aux références idéologiques religieuses islamistes, de l'opposition palestinienne au pouvoir. Nous essaierons d'atteindre les objectifs suivants :Décrire l'émergence et l'évolution de ce Mouvement, incarnation vivante des Frères musulmans en Palestine, ainsi que les circonstances et facteurs qui ont conduit à sa régression à certains moments de l'histoire et à sa montée en puissance à d'autres. Nous cherchons également à connaitre les racines de ce mouvement avant et après 1948 et jusqu'au déclenchement de l'Intifada en 1987.Identifier les facteurs qui influent sur les politiques et la prise de décision de ce Mouvement, notamment le facteur idéologique et partisan, étant donné qu'il fait partie intégrante du Mouvement international des Frères musulmans dont l'Islam est la référence idéologique et politique. Il existe également le facteur de l'action nationale palestinienne et les intérêts partisans qui lui ont imposé des visions et des positions pragmatiques. De plus, il convient d'analyser la division du leadership entre intérieur et extérieur et enfin l'influence extraordinaire de l'aile militaire dans la formulation des politiques et dans la prise de décision.Identifier les positions du mouvement Hamas vis-à-vis du système politique palestinien dans ses deux composantes - l'OLP et l'Autorité nationale palestinienne - mais aussi vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-palestinien et les options de règlement de celui-ci, et donc de sa position vis-à-vis du règlement politique, comparée aux positions de l'OLP et des autres factions palestiniennes. Cette étude cherche également à connaître la position du Hamas sur le principe de la libération de la Palestine et vis-à-vis des initiatives politiques de l'OLP et des Etats arabes, et celles des organisations ou des pays amis, comme la Conférence internationale, et à faire la lumière sur l'initiative politique du Hamas en comparaison avec les positions des autres forces.Identifier la relation entre le Hamas et les Frères musulmans et le degré d'autonomie dont jouit le Hamas dans le cadre de sa relation avec l'organisation mère, de caractère internationaliste. L'étude tente aussi d'étudier la nature de la relation de ce mouvement avec les organisations internationales, régionales et arabes, en particulier avec les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'Union européenne, la Russie, les autres pays de la région et de connaitre sa place dans les axes dans la région, notamment " l'axe de la résistance ", à la lumière de ses relations avec les pays arabes voisins de la Palestine (Egypte, Jordanie, Syrie et Liban) et ceux qui influent sur les politiques régionales et arabe en général, et l'Arabie Saoudite et l'Iran en particulier.Explorer l'expérience du Hamas dans sa transition de l'opposition au pouvoir et faire un parallèle avec l'expérience l'Islam politique, en particulier le mouvement des Frères musulmans, le courant salafiste jihadiste, Al-Qaïda, le Hezbollah libanais et enfin le Parti de la Justice et du développement turc, depuis sa création jusqu'à son accession au pouvoir.

Many contemporary states and historic political entities walled their borders stressing the idea that these barriers would protect their homelands from external threats and thus, achieve security. Although this security argument has prevailed, the political science literature fails to offer a systematic empirical examination of the relationship between barriers and cross-border threats. This research attempts to bridge this gap by answering the question: What are the actual security outcomes of physical barriers on borders? And thus, under what conditions do barriers succeed/fail to achieve security? This paper posits that, in some cases, building barriers on borders to stop non-state actors’ attacks escalate conflict. It demonstrates that when militants have supply institutions, they will manage to increase their attacks and shift to new tactics despite the barrier. It also studies the Israeli Gaza Strip Fence and offers an analysis based on patterns of the relationships between features of the barrier and the Gaza attacks. these patterns are derived from a quantitative dataset built by the researcher and are also supplemented by qualitative data about the case. / text

Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 2002/2003. / Text dt., Zsfassung engl.

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This essay aims at studying the use of social media by states and state actors. More specifically, the study is exploring how the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are using their official Twitter account @IDFSpokesperson in relation to the 2018 Gaza protests. The study is utilizing a quantitative content analysis as well as a framing analysis for the analysis of the Twitter account and is having a theoretical base in framing theory. The findings suggest that there is a problem when democratic states use social media – there is a fine line between being transparent and disseminating propaganda.

Foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) is a viral disease endemic in Africa, the Middle East, South America, Asia and parts of Eastern Europe. It is a major constraint to international trade in livestock and livestock products in many African countries. In southern Africa, African buffaloes (Syncerus caffer) are reservoirs of the South African Territories (SAT) 1, SAT 2 and SAT 3 FMD viruses, and cattle raised in the vicinity of wildlife conservation areas are at constant risk of becoming infected with FMD viruses. In Mozambique, control of FMD is fundamentally based on vaccination of cattle in zones around protected areas. However, the vaccination protocol recommended by the vaccine producer (two primary vaccinations followed by four- to six-monthly boosters) is logistically impractical and financially not suitable for most countries. As a result, the double primary vaccination is usually not implemented. A commercially available bivalent FMD vaccine, containing the SAT 1 and SAT 2 serotypes, was assessed for its ability to induce and sustain immunity in cattle for at least 6 months following a single primary inoculation. The study was conducted with cattle reared in Limpopo National Park (LNP), Mozambique, and adjacent areas. One hundred and seventy five seronegative cattle aged between 6 and 18 months were vaccinated and 42 others from the same areas were left unvaccinated, as controls. A group of 39 vaccinated cattle were revaccinated 4 months after initial vaccination and 63 others were revaccinated 6 months after initial vaccination. The vaccinated and unvaccinated cattle were bled at predefined intervals (at vaccination, and at 1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10 and 12 months post vaccination) and sera were tested with a liquid phase blocking ELISA to measure the antibody level against FMD virus. A high proportion (73%) of vaccinated cattle had seroconverted (log10 titre ≥1.6 for any SAT serotype) at one month after vaccination with a single primary dose and there was no significant difference between the proportions of animals that seroconverted to SAT 1 compared to SAT 2. A higher proportion of animals within LNP (82%) than outside LNP (50%) had seroconverted at one month after vaccination (P = 0.001). Overall, however, only relatively few animals (27% for SAT 1, 35% for SAT 2 and 7% for SAT 3) had protective antibody titres (log10 titre ≥2). At 4 months after vaccination, a very low proportion (8.3%) of vaccinated cattle had antibody titres ≥1.6 to any of the SAT serotypes, and there was no significant difference between the proportions of animals with antibodies to SAT 1 (2.1%) compared to SAT 2 (7.3%) (P = 0.17). No cattle had a protective titre (≥2) to SAT 1 at 4 months and only 4.2% to SAT 2. The revaccination at 4 months after initial vaccination elicited antibody titres ≥1.6 in 22% of vaccinated animals at one month after revaccination; this rose two months later to 90% and remained high (91%) at 10 months post first vaccination before dropping to 65% at 12 months. However, only 15% of cattle had protective titres (≥2) to any of the SAT serotypes at 12 months. For cattle revaccinated at 6 months after first vaccination the percentage of cattle that had a titre ≥1.6 two months after revaccination was also high (80%), remained high (89%) at 10 months post first vaccination and dropped to 54% at 12 months after first vaccination. Only 11% of cattle had protective titres (≥2) at 12 months. The research findings indicate that, although the vaccine is able to induce production of antibodies against SAT 1 and 2 in a significant percentage of cattle within one month after a single primary vaccination, these antibodies are short lived and have largely disappeared by 4 months post vaccination. This suggests that a protocol of a single primary vaccination is inadequate in naïve animals, even if revaccination takes place four months later. Revaccination improved the immune response for a longer period, resulting in detectible titres in the majority of animals for 6-8 months post revaccination. This can be used in disease control programmes to ensure some protection of cattle particularly when it is applied immediately before identified high risk periods of occurrence of FMD outbreaks. However, it seems unlikely that six-monthly revaccination is sufficient to maintain adequate levels of protective immunity. The study highlighted several difficulties associated with the vaccination of livestock under field conditions and the conduction of field trials. These included difficulties with cold chain maintenance, poor infrastructure for animal handling, and loss of follow-up due to loss of animal identification or poor owner/herder compliance. Copyright / Dissertation (MSc)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Production Animal Studies / unrestricted

Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important for a greater understanding of the current state of sexual and reproductive rights of Palestinian women. Constant military occupation has been a determining factor hindering the development of comprehensive and coherent health policies and programmes. As a result of the Oslo Accords and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement in 1994, the Palestinian National Authority was granted limited authority over portions of the West Bank and Gaza. In 2007-2008 a multi-national, multi-disciplinary study team undertook a national study to assess the reproductive health content of nursing education and identify gaps in curricular coverage and implementation. One component of this project included exploring final year nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward a range of sexual and reproductive health issues. This thesis analyzes these data and explores the demographic factors, including gender, region, and residence, associated with nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward abortion and contraception-related laws and policies. Our findings suggest that there is a considerable need to incorporate values clarification exercises as well as structured sessions dedicated to laws and policies governing sexual and reproductive health into the formal curricula of programs in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Our results also shed further light on the dynamics shaping abortion and contraception attitudes among health professions students in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

The respective master's thesis examines the relationship between frames and narratives and how they resonate with images on social media. In the present thesis I research how Israel Defense Forces framed the protests in Gaza also known as the Great March of Return from 30 March 2018 to 30 March of 2019 on Twitter. While analyzing the twitter account of Israel Defense Forces, I apply Entman's (1993) elements of framing and identify broader strategic narratives that Israel currently employs. The broader strategic narratives include "Israel as the only democracy in the Middle East"; "Israel as a startup nation" and "Israel as the leader in combating Islamic terrorism". In the theoretical part I also reflect on previous research and studies engaging with social media and its use by militaries. In the analytical part I identify individual frames that Israel Defense Forces have repeatedly employed during the protests in the respective timeframe. Each frame is accompanied by visual content and if available by the strategic narratives.

Diploma thesis: Second Lebanon war versus the Gaza war-comparison of Israeli approach is focused on the last two wars Israel waged. In 2006, Israel waged a war against Hezbollah and in 2008/2009 against Hamas. This thesis is primarily focused on the Israeli side and is supposed to find out the main reason to its failure in Lebanon and its success in the Gaza strip. Out of three examined reasons: Israeli political and military decision-making, readiness of the Israeli army and preparations of both Hamas and Hezbollah for potential conflict. Effect based theory is used as a theoretical background in this thesis and helps to understand reasons to the Israeli failure in Lebanon