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The EU is one of the biggest supranational organizations in the world, the third-biggest global economy after the US and China. At the start of the 2020s, two major conflicts have commenced in two different areas of the world: in Eastern Europe between Ukraine and Russia and the Middle East between Israel and Gaza. As of this study being written, neither conflict has been resolved and none are looking closer to accomplishing this. Therefore, the purpose of this case study is to analyze the EU’s responses to these two conflicts during the first month of each conflict and how they can be explained. As a theoretical background, the study uses two different types of IR theories: Realism and Constructivism. For an easier analysis, three indicators from each theory have been operationalized, based on key concepts from each theory. The intention is that these theories will help explain and analyze the EU’s responses. The results show that there are different responses from the EU concerning the two different conflicts, which differ more or less depending on which indicator is being studied.

Denna uppsats undersöker FN:s roll och antagna resolutioners påverkan på det palestinska folkets rätt till självbestämmande i Gaza och Västbanken efter Oslo-avtalen 1993. Genom att granska FN:s deltagande i fredsprocessen och dess politiska ställningstaganden i regionen, syftar studien till att ge insikter om FN:s förmåga att påverka självbestämmandet för det palestinska folket. Studien använde kvalitativ textanalys och realistisk teori för att utvärdera FN:s agerande och resolutioners effektivitet. Resultaten visade att trots FN:s resolutioner och engagemang har implementeringen av palestiniernas rätt till självbestämmande varit bristfällig och ineffektiv. Bristen på en effektiv mekanism inom FN för att genomdriva resolutioner och säkerställa efterlevnad av internationell lag har begränsat organisationens förmåga att lösa konflikten och skydda de drabbade. Genom att tillämpa realistisk teori visar studien att stater prioriterar sin överlevnad över moraliska principer och att FN strävar efter fred genom förhandlingar och konfliktlösning för att säkra ordning och säkerhet. / This paper examines the role of the UN and the impact of adopted resolutions on the Palestinian people's right to self-determination in Gaza and the West Bank following the Oslo Accords of 1993. By examining the UN's participation in the peace process and its policy stances in the region, the study aims to provide insights about the UN's ability to influence the selfdetermination of the Palestinian people. The study used qualitative text analysis and realist theory to evaluate the effectiveness of UN actions and resolutions. The results showed that despite UN resolutions and commitment, the implementation of the Palestinians' right to selfdetermination has been inadequate and ineffective. The lack of an effective mechanism within the UN to enforce resolutions and ensure compliance with international law has limited the organization's ability to resolve the conflict and protect those affected. By applying realist theory, the study shows that states prioritize their survival over moral principles and that the UN strives for peace through negotiations and conflict resolution to ensure order and security.

This master's thesis explores the discourse in Swedish media concerning humanitarian crises resulting from war, with a focus on the crises in Ukraine and Gaza. The focus of the thesis is to analyze how the Swedish media writes about these humanitarian crises, as well as highlighting differences in their portrayal. The method and theory used in the study is critical discourse analysis, and the three-dimensional model developed by Norman Fairclough. According to Fairclough, an interdisciplinary perspective that combines textual and social analysis is needed when analyzing discourse. The model consists of three levels of analysis: textual level, discursive practice, and social practice. This study primarily focuses on the textual level, with brief discussions of the other two levels in terms of trends and tendencies. The findings suggest that there are differences in how the humanitarian crises in Ukraine and Gaza are portrayed, particularly in terms of responsibility attribution. The crisis in Ukraine is depicted as a consequence of Russia's actions, while the crisis in Gaza is portrayed more as a natural phenomenon or as a result of Hamas attack on Israel on the 7th of October 2023.

This thesis deals with a number of selected peace plans for Israeli-Palestinian conflict and their solutions for the most crucial problems of this area. These problems are: Palestinian refugees, Israeli West Bank settlements, Lack of water resources, Jerusalem and Gaza strip. The first chapter summarizes the history of the development of this area before the formation of the state of Israel until today and also presents the current political situation of Israel. Next chapter continues with the research of these problems, which are almost always present and dealt with by new peace plans. The following chapter introduces selected peace plans and analyzes their encompassed solutions for the selected problems. The thesis ends with a chapter, in which the author attempts to suggest a suitable future scenario for the State of Palestine, which would be acceptable for both sides.

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Nach dem Oslo prozess im Gaza-Streifen und Westjordanland (weiter WJGS), die palästinensische Selbstverwaltung eingesetzt wurde. Die wichtigste Frage, eine Antwort auf die diese Dissertation zu geben versucht, ist: Hat es diese Regierung geschafft, sich in ihrem ersten Jahrzehnt (1994 - 2004) zu einer staatlichen, im Sinne von einer differenzierten, zentralisierten und autonomen Organisation zu entwickeln, die das Gewaltmonopol innehat und in der Lage ist, landesweit verbindliche Gesetze zu etablieren? Die Realität nach dem Oslo-Prozess: Tatsächlich fand eine Konzentration der Macht in den Händen Arafats und einer kleinen regierenden Elite in seinem Umkreis statt. Dies geschah auf Kosten der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, welcher der Zugang zu staatlichen Institutionen auf nationaler Ebene verwehrt wurde. Dieser Zustand der Marginalisierung der Bevölkerungsmehrheit hemmte die Durchsetzung eines demokratischen Systems nach den Prinzipien Gewaltenteilung, Verantwortlichkeit und Transparenz und erstickte die rechtsstaatlichen Ansätze im Keim. Arafat und die kleine Elite in seinem Gefolge verhinderten nicht nur den Aufstieg eines demokratischen und rechtsstaatlichen Systems, sondern auch das Aufkommen eines Verwaltungssystems, das nach fairen Prinzipien (Leistung, Kompetenz) und nicht nach informellen/persönlichen Kriterien besetzt wurde, klare Spezialisierungen und Hierarchien aufwies sowie durchschaubar war, wie Max Weber vorschlägt. Näher betrachtet, erschwerten der Friedensprozess von Oslo und seine Vereinbarungen den Aufbau von stabilen und reaktionsfähigen politischen Institutionen genauso wie den eines professionellen Verwaltungssystems. Dies geschah, da der Prozess Menschen demobilisierte (aus der Unfähigkeit heraus, die Bestrebungen Palästinas, ein selbstbestimmter souveräner Staat zu werden, wahrzunehmen), außerdem ermöglichte er Arafat und dessen kleiner Machtelite, die Macht bei sich zu konzentrieren und ein halbautokratisches, von patrimonialen Zügen gekennzeichnetes Regime einzuführen, das dem Machthaber ermöglichte, öffentliche Fonds und Institutionen auszunutzen, um sich Loyalität zu sichern und seinem Regime Legitimität zu verschaffen. Als Antwort darauf stärkten die Gegner des Prozesses von Oslo und Arafats, also die Hamas, der Islamische Djihad und PFLP ihre Institutionen und begannen parallel zu den Institutionen der Autonomiebehörde parastaatliche Funktionen auszuüben. Am wichtigsten ist die Tatsache, dass diese Institutionen von den Milizen der politischen Parteien, denen sie angegliedert sind, beschützt werden. Zum Beispiel wird die Al Salah Islamic Society von den Izz El Din El Kassam Brigaden dem militärischen Flügel derHamas beschützt. Die 'Freunde der Märtyrer' sind dem Islamischen Djihad angegliedert und werden vom militanten Flügel der Gruppe, den Al Quds Brigaden beschützt. Dementsprechend ist der Staat - im Sinne einer zentralen Organisation mit Macht zur Autoritätsausübung und einem Gewaltmonopol (wie Joel Migdal vorschlägt) nicht präsent auf der politischen Bühne in Palästina. / In 1994, the Palestinian self-government was established on the Gaza Strip and West Bank (hereinafter WBGS) as result of Oslo process. One of its main challenges of that government was how to deal with this debilitating heritage whilst promoting institutions and institutional capacity building, both of which began gaining momentum from 1994 onwards. However, the reality of the Oslo process has meant that in fact what has occurred is a concentration of power into the hand of the ruling elite (Arafat and the small elite around him) at the expense of the majority of population who were denied access to national level institutions of state functions. This state of the political marginalization (or denationalization) of the majority of population hindered the emergence of a democratic political system based on the principles of the separation of powers, accountability, and transparency, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law. Arafat and the small elite around him had not only hindered the emergence of a democratic political system, and stifled the emergence of the rule of law, but also the emergence of a bureaucratic system with a recruitment system based on achievement rather than informal/irrational criteria (competence), highly specialized and differentiated administrative role of civil servants (differentiation), and well established and thoroughly understandable system of super-ordination and sub-ordination (hierarchy) as Max Weber suggests. In response, the opponents of Oslo process & Arafat- Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and PFLP-had strengthened their institutions, and started to practice Para-state functions parallel to PA institutions (as chapter V shows). These instituions are protected by the militia of the political party with which it is affiliated, like Izz El Din El Qassam Brigades, the military wing of Hamas, and others. Accordingly, State- in the term of central organization with the power of issuing authoritative binding legal rules and monopolizing coercion (as Joel Migdal suggests)- was absent from the Palestinian scene.

One of the most controversial wars in contemporary history, both in terms of the ideological powers behind it and its continued struggle for over 60 years, is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The most recent outburst of the conflict, commonly known as the Gaza War, has attracted extensive global media coverage. Employing an interdisciplinary approach, the thesis incorporates an extensive content analysis, to chart patterns and regularities within a large corpus of four broadcast media (namely BBC Arabic, BBC World, Al-Jazeera Arabic and Al-Jazeera English). It then integrates a more interpretative discourse analysis, to investigate the cultural ideas evoked linguistically and, to a lesser extent, visually throughout the coverage. Assuming a qualitative stance, it also draws upon focus groups conducted in Jordan and England to examine the public s knowledge and understandings of the events on the ground, in addition to their evaluation of both organisations levels of objectivity and impartiality. To allow for a comparative dimension, the thesis develops two frames of analysis that systematically looks at two recurring themes and scrutinises their discursive strategies and functions in the construction of meaning and ideology. These include Provocation, which examines questions of responsibility and culpability; and Proportionality which embraces matters of legitimacy and authority in relation to the humanitarian aspect of the war. The findings indicate that the actions of a protagonist may be deemed legitimate with regard to provocation, but illegitimate with regard to their proportionality. The peculiar circumstances of the war pushed the media in the direction of greater separation from the predominant ideologies ensued by the Israeli Army. It suggests that both networks lack a coherent discursive strategy at the level of the lexical in their reporting of Gaza. The empirical findings also confirm that meanings devised by viewers are pertinent to their behaviours, attitudes and beliefs. This conceptualisation formulated three readings shaped by political, cultural and social formations: an oppositional (counter-hegemonic) reading, a dominant reading and a subliminal (sub-conscious) reading.

The purpose of this study was to identify and analyze cause of disempowerment for the population of Palestine. The design of the research took the shape of a descriptive case study and the method used to fulfill the purpose was a qualitative text analysis. The material used for the study derives from various books and research journals on the Israeli-Palestine conflict, but most of all observational reports from international organizations. The theory used is a multi-dimensional one and is Friedmann’s (dis)empowerment model where five mechanisms; defensible life space, surplus time, knowledge and skills, instruments of work and livelihood and financial resources have been used as the analytical framework. The conclusion of the study is that there are several factors causing disempowerment following the analysis or the theoretical mechanisms respectively. These are connected to armed hostilities between Israel and Gaza, settlement expansions in the West Bank and the occupational status of Palestine. Supported by the material analyzed, these infringements need to cease combined with exterior help in order for the situation to markedly improve.