Gewaltsamer Konflikt ist eine der hartnäckigsten Bedrohungen des Lebensunterhalts und der Nahrungssicherheit von Individuen weltweit. Trotz einer wachsenden Literatur, die die Ursachen und Folgen von Konflikten untersucht, bestehen nach wie vor erhebliche Verständnislücken, die zum Teil auf einen Mangel an qualitativ hochwertigen Konfliktereignisdaten zurückgehen. Mit Hilfe moderner ökonometrischer und statistischer Methoden trägt diese Monographie empirisch zur Literatur bei, indem sie sich mit drei miteinander verknüpften Themen befasst: (i) die Auswirkungen von Gewalterfahrungen auf Radikalisierung; (ii) das Ausmaß von Verzerrungen ("bias") in medienbasierten Konfliktereignisdaten; sowie (iii) die Rolle von Gewalt in benachbarten Gebieten für die Vorhersage von Ausbruch und Eskalation von Konflikten. Erstens zeigt eine Analyse des Gaza-Krieges von 2009, dass Menschen, die Gewalt direkt ausgesetzt sind, radikale Gruppen im Durchschnitt weniger unterstützen. Wenn frühere Wahlpräferenzen statistisch einbezogen werden, besitzt Gewalt jedoch eine polarisierende Wirkung im Wahlverhalten. Zweitens schätzt eine Auswertung syrischer Konfliktereignisdaten basierend auf internationalen und nationalen Quellen, dass Medien über nur knapp zehn Prozent der auftretenden Ereignisse berichten. Zudem ist die Berichterstattung stark räumlich und nach Konflikt-Akteuren verzerrt. Drittens stellt sich anhand von Paneldaten kleiner geographischer Zellen heraus, dass die räumliche und zeitliche Dynamik von Gewalt starken Einfluss auf sowohl den Ausbruch als auch die Eskalation von Konflikten an einem bestimmten Ort hat. In hochaufgelösten Analysen erhöht Gewalt in benachbarten Raumzellen jedoch nicht die Vorhersagekraft des Modells. Auf Grundlage der empirischen Befunde entwickelt diese Arbeit eine neue Methode zur Erhebung von Konfliktdaten, die auf direkte Informationsquellen vor Ort zurückgreift ("crowdseeding"), um Politik und Forschung verlässlichere Daten zu bieten. / Violent conflict is one of the most persistent challenges affecting the economic livelihoods and food security of individuals worldwide. Despite the surge in literature studying the impacts and drivers of armed conflict, there remains notable knowledge and methodological gaps, particularly regarding the quality of conflict event data. Using various advanced econometric and statistical techniques, this monograph contributes empirically to this literature by studying three interrelated issues. (i) The impact of violence exposure on radicalization; (ii) the magnitude of selection and veracity biases in media-based conflict event data; and (iii) the significance of incorporating violence in nearby locations in predicting armed conflict onset and escalation. First, evidence from the 2009 war on Gaza shows that individuals who experienced violence directly are less likely, on average, to support radical groups. However, when controlling for past electoral preferences, the results reveal a polarization effect among voters exposed directly to violence. Second, by matching conflict event data from several international and national media sources on the Syrian war, media reports are found to capture less than 10\% of the estimated total number of events in the study period. Moreover, reported events across the sources exhibit a systematic spatial clustering and actor-specific biases. Third, using a grid-level panel dataset, the temporal and spatial dynamics of violence, among other geographic factors, are found to significantly drive both conflict onset and escalation. However, violence in neighbouring grids does not enhance the prediction of armed conflict when using high precision units of analysis. In addition to these main findings, I propose and discuss a novel methodology, namely crowdseeding, for collecting conflict event data which works directly with primary sources on the ground to provide reliable information for researchers and policy-makers alike.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina Maranhao.pdf: 11708246 bytes, checksum: a0bee347f82f275fe29d92e5d9847d6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to comprehend the imagetic construction of contemporary wars transmitted by national and international media, through the case study of two current conflicts: the war between police and drug dealers at Rio de Janeiro´s favelas of Complexo do Alemão, and the armed conflict between israelis and palestinians in the Gaza Strip, involving the Palestine Question. Devided in two parts, war and image, this work shows how significative changes occurred in the form of the warfare, associated to new global economic formula, originated from globalization and mundialization. These changes reflected in the form of representing the armed conflicts and therefore in the current photojournalism. . From the observation of significative diferences in the field of images, we focus in two aspects: the image as an action of imagination, and the image as excessive production of clichés from the society of the spectacle . This thesis proposes the construction of a western imagery catalog, elaborated from the relationship between the analysed images of conflicts and the images collected from paints, engraving or photographs. This proposition occured because we realised that there is an imagetic construction of war, wich is responsable for the imaginary of the warrior and of conflicts. Images of war today have changed along with changes of the armed conflict universe, demonstrating a reverberation of images and specific subjects turned into simple pictural clichés, wich in many cases do not represent the violence experienced by the population envolved. This reverberation expresses the generalization of images of war today / Esta tese procura compreender a construção imagética das guerras contemporâneas veiculadas pela mídia nacional e internacional por meio do estudo de caso de dois conflitos atuais: a guerra travada entre policiais e traficantes nas favelas cariocas do Complexo do Alemão e o conflito armado entre israelenses e palestinos na Faixa de Gaza que envolve a Questão Palestina. Dividido em duas partes, guerra e imagem, o trabalho mostra como ocorreram mudanças significativas na forma de guerrear associadas a nova formulação econômica global proveniente da globalização e da mundialização. Estas mudanças refletiram-se na forma de representar os conflitos armados e consequentemente no fotojornalismo atual. A partir da constatação de diferenças significativas no campo da imagem, nos concentramos dois aspectos: a imagem como uma ação do imaginar e a imagem como produção excessiva e formadora de clichês provenientes da sociedade do espetáculo . A tese propõe a construção de um catálogo imagético ocidental elaborado a partir da relação entre as imagens analisadas dos conflitos e imagens coletadas seja na pintura, em gravuras ou na fotografia. A proposta deste ocorreu, pois percebemos que existe uma construção imagética da guerra esta que é responsável pela elaboração do imaginário do guerreiro e dos conflitos. As imagens de guerra na atualidade se modificaram juntamente com as alterações do universo dos conflitos armados, demonstrando uma reverberação de imagens e de temas específicos transformando em meros clichês imagéticos que em muitos casos não representa a violência vivenciada pela população que está envolvida. Reverberação, esta, que expressa a generalização das imagens de guerra na atualidade

Esta tese se dedica a investigar o papel dos guerreiros (identificados e reconhecidos como \"nguni\") nas redes de poder de Gaza, formado no sul do atual Moçambique ao longo do século XIX. Associados ao inkosi e integrados a desenvolvimentos de longo alcance, os guerreiros transpunham fronteiras em perspectiva de comunicação, atribuindo com a sua movimentação dimensões de reciprocidade ou interdição, enunciadas em aproximação ritualizada. Na historiografia, a referência ao guerreiro se alinha em relação a dois eixos principais de análise, apresentados muitas vezes de forma associada. O primeiro, descreve o comportamento agressivo como supostamente inerente ao homem \"africano primitivo\", em uma redução do social ao natural, que retém o guerreiro na atemporalidade de sua própria selvageria. No segundo, a perspectiva econômica se sobrepõe como fundamento analítico, apresentando a violência como o resultado da combinação entre escassez de recursos e fraqueza das forças produtivas. Afastando-se da interpretação da violência como um impulso humano simples e universal e do paradigma \"que se concentra na luta pela reprodução e na competição por sobrevivência e status\", como observou o historiador Jon Abbink, esta tese busca recompor as relações sociais de força, poder e dominação que moldavam a potencialidade do ato violento, ao tempo em que os guerreiros interconectavam histórias e influíam em seus cursos, com sua movimentação e interação múltiplas. / This thesis is dedicated to investigating the role of warriors (identified and recognized as \"nguni\") in the Gaza power networks, formed in the south of present-day Mozambique during the 19th century. Associated with the inkosi and integrated with long-range developments, the warriors crossed borders in perspective of communication, attributing with their movement dimensions of reciprocity or interdiction, enunciated in a ritualized approach. In historiography, the reference to the warrior aligns in relation to two main axes of analysis, often presented in a related manner. The first describes aggressive behavior as supposedly inherent in \"primitive African\" man, in a reduction from social to natural, which retains the warrior in the timelessness of his own savagery. In the second, the economic perspective overlaps as an analytical foundation, presenting violence as the result of a combination of scarce resources and weak productive factors. Moving away from the interpretation of violence as a simple and universal human impulse and from the paradigm \"which focuses on the struggle for reproduction and competition for survival and status\", as the historian Jon Abbink remarked, this thesis aims to recompose the social relations of power, and domination that shaped the potentiality of the violent act, at a time when warriors interconnected histories and influenced their courses with their multiple movements and interactions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina Maranhao.pdf: 11708246 bytes, checksum: a0bee347f82f275fe29d92e5d9847d6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis seeks to comprehend the imagetic construction of contemporary wars transmitted by national and international media, through the case study of two current conflicts: the war between police and drug dealers at Rio de Janeiro´s favelas of Complexo do Alemão, and the armed conflict between israelis and palestinians in the Gaza Strip, involving the Palestine Question. Devided in two parts, war and image, this work shows how significative changes occurred in the form of the warfare, associated to new global economic formula, originated from globalization and mundialization. These changes reflected in the form of representing the armed conflicts and therefore in the current photojournalism. . From the observation of significative diferences in the field of images, we focus in two aspects: the image as an action of imagination, and the image as excessive production of clichés from the society of the spectacle . This thesis proposes the construction of a western imagery catalog, elaborated from the relationship between the analysed images of conflicts and the images collected from paints, engraving or photographs. This proposition occured because we realised that there is an imagetic construction of war, wich is responsable for the imaginary of the warrior and of conflicts. Images of war today have changed along with changes of the armed conflict universe, demonstrating a reverberation of images and specific subjects turned into simple pictural clichés, wich in many cases do not represent the violence experienced by the population envolved. This reverberation expresses the generalization of images of war today / Esta tese procura compreender a construção imagética das guerras contemporâneas veiculadas pela mídia nacional e internacional por meio do estudo de caso de dois conflitos atuais: a guerra travada entre policiais e traficantes nas favelas cariocas do Complexo do Alemão e o conflito armado entre israelenses e palestinos na Faixa de Gaza que envolve a Questão Palestina. Dividido em duas partes, guerra e imagem, o trabalho mostra como ocorreram mudanças significativas na forma de guerrear associadas a nova formulação econômica global proveniente da globalização e da mundialização. Estas mudanças refletiram-se na forma de representar os conflitos armados e consequentemente no fotojornalismo atual. A partir da constatação de diferenças significativas no campo da imagem, nos concentramos dois aspectos: a imagem como uma ação do imaginar e a imagem como produção excessiva e formadora de clichês provenientes da sociedade do espetáculo . A tese propõe a construção de um catálogo imagético ocidental elaborado a partir da relação entre as imagens analisadas dos conflitos e imagens coletadas seja na pintura, em gravuras ou na fotografia. A proposta deste ocorreu, pois percebemos que existe uma construção imagética da guerra esta que é responsável pela elaboração do imaginário do guerreiro e dos conflitos. As imagens de guerra na atualidade se modificaram juntamente com as alterações do universo dos conflitos armados, demonstrando uma reverberação de imagens e de temas específicos transformando em meros clichês imagéticos que em muitos casos não representa a violência vivenciada pela população que está envolvida. Reverberação, esta, que expressa a generalização das imagens de guerra na atualidade

No description available.

Under what circumstances does foreign donor assistance during war-to-peace transitions contribute to the strengthening of civil society and the deepening of democracy? I answer this question through a comparative study of civil society development in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, where I conducted 130 interviews with directors of donor agencies, grassroots activists, and directors of NGOs. Divergent civil society developments in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador after the signing of peace accords in the early 1990s present a real puzzle given the pre-accord similarities in civil society organization between the two cases. Both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador had a legacy of rich, vibrant grassroots organization and civil society activity during their protracted conflicts. In both settings, grassroots organizations have played central roles in non-violent resistance, consciousness-raising, and the provision of community services. Moreover, after the initiation of the peace processes in both the Palestinian territories and El Salvador, foreign donors provided substantial assistance to civil society groups. However, their civil society developmental paths diverged sharply during the war-to-peace transition. In the Palestinian territories, existing civil society organizations have engaged less actively with their previous grassroots constituencies since the start of the war-to-peace transition, and the number of grassroots-based civil society organizations has decreased. Moreover, many of these organizations have been limited in their access to institutions that engage the state. In El Salvador, the re-constitution of civil society has led to its broad access to institutions that engage the state and to higher levels of grassroots inclusion in the political transformation process. / I argue that these divergent outcomes in the Palestinian territories and El Salvador reflect the differential effects that foreign assistance has on civil society after more or less inclusive political settlements. I find that in cases like the Palestinian territories, where the political settlement excludes important socio-political groups, foreign donor assistance is less likely to contribute to the strengthening of civil society or the deepening of democracy. Rather, foreign donor assistance to civil society is more likely to exacerbate political polarization and weaken civil society by further privileging those select groups already favored by the terms of the non-inclusive settlement. Conversely, after more inclusive political settlements like in El Salvador, foreign donor assistance can play a more constructive role in developing civil society and contributing to the deepening of democracy by encouraging grassroots organization, and expanding access to political institutions that engage the state.

La pratique internationale montre que l'aide au développement est souvent attribuée à un État souverain, ce qui n'est pas le cas des territoires palestiniens, en dépit de leur statut d'État observateur non membre de l'ONU. La particularité du statut de la Palestine explique la nature singulière mais aussi ambivalente de l'aide de l'Union européenne, qui peut être relevée à tous les niveaux du processus de gestion. Selon les objectifs premiers, définis pour les territoires de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, l'aide publique au développement (APD) contribue à la réalisation des accords de paix afin d'aider les protagonistes à parvenir à une solution viable en conformité avec le droit international et les résolutions de l'ONU. Pour la Communauté internationale, et tout particulièrement l'Union européenne, la «solution de deux États», israélien et palestinien, demeure la seule voie pour mettre un terme au conflit et garantir la sécurité d'Israël. Ces objectifs sont d'autant plus renforcés que depuis l'entrée en vigueur du traité de Lisbonne, la coopération au développement est devenue une compétence partagée entre l'Union et ses États membres, sa mise en œuvre étant arrêtée par le Parlement européen et le Conseil conformément à la procédure législative ordinaire. Or, une analyse fine de la structure de I' APD, objet de la présente recherche, démontre que l'Union européenne, premier donateur des territoires palestiniens de Cisjordanie et de la Bande de Gaza, n'est pas en mesure d'apporter une aide autre que financière ou humanitaire, ce qui l'empêche d'agir sur la construction d'un État palestinien, et de permettre aux territoires de se dégager de leur double dépendance à l'égard de l'aide européenne et de l'économie israélienne, notamment par la promotion de secteurs productifs. Pour autant, ces dernières années, l'Union s'efforce, certes laborieusement, de refonder son aide pour intégrer, de manière effective, le paramètre de l'occupation qui menace irrémédiablement le processus de paix. Hormis la place considérable qu'occupe le conflit proprement dit dans la mise en œuvre de I' APD, un certain nombre de contraintes, notamment d'ordre structurel et institutionnel, explique le défaut d'une stratégie établie en vue d'aider les Palestiniens et leur Autorité nationale à construire, de manière autonome et durable, les fondations de l'État. Aujourd'hui, confrontée à ces obstacles de fond majeurs, et compte tenu du blocage des négociations de paix, l'Union européenne peine à établir une cohérence dans sa stratégie d'aide, à destination des territoires palestiniens, tant au regard des objectifs initiaux de I' APD que du respect de ses principes et valeurs, dont la portée a pourtant été confortée par le traité de Lisbonne. / International practice shows that development aid is often attributed to a sovereign state, which is not the case of the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (WBGS), despite their status of nonmember observer state in the UN. The special status of Palestine explains the unprecedented nature of the assistance of the European Union, which falls at all levels of the management process. According to the initial objectives set for the WBGS, official development assistance (ODA) contribute to the achievement of peace agreements in order to help the protagonists to reach a viable solution in accordance with the international law and UN resolutions. For the international community, particularly the European Union, the "two-state solution", Israel and Palestine remains the best way to end the conflict and ensure the security of Israel. These goals are all the more strengthened since the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, development cooperation has become a shared competence between the Union and its Member States, its implementation being adopted by the European Parliament and the Council under the ordinary legislative procedure. However, a detailed analysis of the structure of ODA, purpose of this research, shows that the EU -first donor to Palestinian territories- is unable to provide assistance other than humanitarian or financial, which prevents influence the construction of a Palestinian state or to allow territories to be released from their dual dependence of EU aid and the Israeli economy, in particular through the promotion of productive sectors. Yet, in recent years, the Union has been trying, pitilessly, to rebuild its aid in order to effectively integrate the occupation parameter, which is an irreparable threat to the peace process. Apart from the large weight of the conflict itself in the implementation of ODA, a number of constraints, including structural and institutional order, explain the failure of a strategy clearly established to help Palestinians and their national authority to build, in an autonomous and sustainable way, the foundations of the state. Today, faced with these major obstacles, and given the stalemate in the peace negotiations, the European Union is struggling to establish coherence in its aid strategy for the Palestinian territories, both in terms of the initial objectives of ODA and with respect to its constituent principles and values, the scope of which was nevertheless strengthened by the Treaty of Lisbon.

Esta tese se dedica a investigar o papel dos guerreiros (identificados e reconhecidos como \"nguni\") nas redes de poder de Gaza, formado no sul do atual Moçambique ao longo do século XIX. Associados ao inkosi e integrados a desenvolvimentos de longo alcance, os guerreiros transpunham fronteiras em perspectiva de comunicação, atribuindo com a sua movimentação dimensões de reciprocidade ou interdição, enunciadas em aproximação ritualizada. Na historiografia, a referência ao guerreiro se alinha em relação a dois eixos principais de análise, apresentados muitas vezes de forma associada. O primeiro, descreve o comportamento agressivo como supostamente inerente ao homem \"africano primitivo\", em uma redução do social ao natural, que retém o guerreiro na atemporalidade de sua própria selvageria. No segundo, a perspectiva econômica se sobrepõe como fundamento analítico, apresentando a violência como o resultado da combinação entre escassez de recursos e fraqueza das forças produtivas. Afastando-se da interpretação da violência como um impulso humano simples e universal e do paradigma \"que se concentra na luta pela reprodução e na competição por sobrevivência e status\", como observou o historiador Jon Abbink, esta tese busca recompor as relações sociais de força, poder e dominação que moldavam a potencialidade do ato violento, ao tempo em que os guerreiros interconectavam histórias e influíam em seus cursos, com sua movimentação e interação múltiplas. / This thesis is dedicated to investigating the role of warriors (identified and recognized as \"nguni\") in the Gaza power networks, formed in the south of present-day Mozambique during the 19th century. Associated with the inkosi and integrated with long-range developments, the warriors crossed borders in perspective of communication, attributing with their movement dimensions of reciprocity or interdiction, enunciated in a ritualized approach. In historiography, the reference to the warrior aligns in relation to two main axes of analysis, often presented in a related manner. The first describes aggressive behavior as supposedly inherent in \"primitive African\" man, in a reduction from social to natural, which retains the warrior in the timelessness of his own savagery. In the second, the economic perspective overlaps as an analytical foundation, presenting violence as the result of a combination of scarce resources and weak productive factors. Moving away from the interpretation of violence as a simple and universal human impulse and from the paradigm \"which focuses on the struggle for reproduction and competition for survival and status\", as the historian Jon Abbink remarked, this thesis aims to recompose the social relations of power, and domination that shaped the potentiality of the violent act, at a time when warriors interconnected histories and influenced their courses with their multiple movements and interactions.

Mêlant des approches historiques, socio-anthropologiques et artistiques, la thèse entend apporter un éclairage inédit sur la situation contemporaine de la Palestine et les modalités de l’occupation, à travers l’analyse de ses mondes de l’art contemporain depuis les années 1990 qui ont vu un développement sans précédent de son infrastructure. Dans un contexte de fragmentation politique et territoriale toujours plus accrue, une nouvelle génération d’artistes a émergé qui parvient progressivement à transgresser les contraintes à l’œuvre sur le terrain, pour accéder par leurs pratiques artistiques et les visions du monde qui en découlent, aux scènes de l’art contemporain international. À travers une étude ethnographique multisituée, la thèse a pour objectif de retracer la fabrique de cet art contemporain, en se concentrant sur l’étude des artistes plasticiens des Territoires palestiniens occupés. Il s’agit d’observer leurs pratiques quotidiennes, les facteurs qui les entravent tout comme les nouvelles fenêtres d’opportunités et circulations induites par le marché de l’art globalisé. En partant des trajectoires individuelles de ces créateurs en mouvement, la recherche s’interroge sur les formes de rupture ou de continuités engendrées par la mondialisation que ce soit dans leurs modalités d’engagement (artistique et politique) ou dans leur rapport au nationalisme et ce, afin de repenser les rapports entre art et politique. / Combining historical, socio-anthropological and artistic approaches, the thesis aims to shed new light on the contemporary situation of Palestine and the modes of Occupation, through the analysis of its worlds of contemporary art since the 1990s which have seen an unprecedented development of its infrastructure. In a context of growing political and territorial fragmentation, a new generation of artists has emerged which gradually succeeds in transgressing the constraints at work on the ground, to access through their artistic practices and the resulting worldviews, to the scenes of international contemporary art.Through a multilocated ethnographic study, the thesis aims to retrace the fabrication of this contemporary art, focusing on the study of plastic artists from the Occupied Palestinian Territories. It is a question of observing their daily practices, the factors that hinder them as well as the new windows of opportunities and circulations induced by the globalized art market. Starting from the individual paths of these moving creators, the research questions the forms of rupture or continuities engendered by globalization whether in their modes of engagement (artistic and political) or in their relationship towards nationalism, in order to rethink the relationship between art and politics.

No description available.