Traditionally, much criminological research has focused on male complexities of confinement, sidelining the experiences of federally and especially provincially incarcerated women in Canada. This thesis seeks to capture some of the experiences and challenges faced by incarcerated women as they attempt to negotiate agency and maintain choice and control over their health and bodies while inside correctional institutions. In order to do so, this study draws from Foucaultian-inspired concepts of discipline, governance, regulation, power, and resistance as a means to theoretically analyze the daily, often strategic, actions of women prisoners. This research is qualitative, and emerges from the data secured through in depth interviews with twelve previously incarcerated women, who were asked to speak of their experiences inside Canadian prisons with respect to issues of choice and control over hygiene, diet, exercise, and access to over-the-counter medication. The data were coded and organized into three substantial themes: opportunity for choice or learned dependence, the ‘layering’ of punishment, and creating space for agency. The analysis revealed that incarcerated women attempt to manage and maintain control over their health but meet ongoing punitive carceral responses when making decisions about their bodies that conflict with institutional mandates, discourses, or goals. Without the opportunity to perform culturally accepted norms of health and femininity, women in prison fail to achieve a positive or ‘good’ womanly status, which comes to impact their self-worth, self-esteem, and identity. These findings create direct implications for Corrections, as they inevitably produce docile and institutionally dependent women rather than responsible and productive citizens, the stated rehabilitational goal of correctional services.

No description available.

No description available.

Le système politique canadien monogenre (Tremblay et Everitt, 2020) a créé une philosophie politique où les hommes sont perçus comment étant l'option par défaut et les femmes, exceptionnelles (Trimble, 2017). En effet, il existe toujours au Canada une croyance répandue selon laquelle les hommes seraient de meilleurs leaders politiques que les femmes (Chen et al., 2023). Ceci est un exemple parmi tant d’autres de l’existence de rôles genrés dans la société canadienne où la présence des femmes au sein d’institutions politiques demeure incongruente (Schneider et Bos, 2019). La science politique canadienne a également longtemps ignoré la participation politique des femmes, car Brodie (1977) et Vickers (1978) ont mené certaines des premières études empiriques sur la candidature et l'élection des femmes à divers paliers gouvernementaux. Depuis ces études, le genre est demeuré un concept complexe et peu étudié (Vickers, 2016), comme en témoigne le débat sur l’accessibilité de la politique municipale aux femmes. Afin de combler ces lacunes, cette thèse se concentre sur les maire.sse.s canadien.ne.s, avec un intérêt particulier pour le genre, autant au niveau de la variation dans l’utilisation active d’une page Facebook, d’un compte Twitter et d’un compte Instagram, de leurs motivations à utiliser ces plateformes, que de leur performance visuelle genrée numérique. Des données primaires révèlent un écart positif entre les maires et les mairesses au niveau de l’utilisation active des médias sociaux hors d’une campagne électorale. Des entretiens semi-dirigés auprès de maire.sse.s qui utilisent activement ces trois plateformes démontrent que le genre continue de jouer un rôle important en politique, notamment au niveau des motivations des maire.sse.s à utiliser les médias sociaux et des barrières genrées limitant la participation des femmes. Certaines mairesses ont partagé, lors de ces entrevues, avoir vécu du harcèlement en ligne, reçu des commentaires indésirés au sujet de leur apparence ou de leur mode de vie, ainsi que de devoir gérer une plus grande charge mentale. De plus, les résultats d’une analyse de contenu de leurs publications numériques visuelles suggèrent un plus haut niveau d’interactivité numérique chez les mairesses, et tandis qu’elles ont tendance à préférer une performance genrée congruente, mixte, voire d’évitement, les maires – qui démontrent également des performances mixtes – semblent pouvoir explorer des performances congruentes et incongruentes plus librement. À la lumière de ces résultats, il est recommandé que les praticien.ne.s, tels que les politicien.ne.s et les médias, adoptent un langage non genré, développent et intègrent une étiquette numérique pour réduire le gender trolling et visent à changer la philosophie politique, notamment par le biais d'opportunités de formation visant un accès égal et inclusif aux rôles politiques. Enfin, la science politique canadienne gagnerait à sortir des sentiers battus pour s'intéresser à la charge mentale vécue par les politiciennes, à la conception socialement construite et genrée d'une carrière politique et à s'efforcer de maintenir des données accessibles, fiables et à jour sur l'ensemble des acteurs politiques à l’échelle municipale. Pour faire suite aux propos de Collier (2022) sur l’absence de recherche sur la violence genrée en science politique canadienne, une discipline qui prétend se concentrer sur le pouvoir (780) se doit d’enfin confronter l’éléphant genré dans la pièce. / Canada’s mono-gendered political system (Tremblay and Everitt, 2020) has created a political ethos where men continue to be seen as the default option, and women as exceptional (Trimble, 2017). Indeed, there continues to be a widespread belief in Canada that men are “naturally better” leaders than women (Chen et al., 2023), which echoes constructed social roles which label women politicians as incongruent (Schneider and Bos, 2019). Canadian political science research itself has long ignored women’s political participation, as Brodie (1977) and Vickers (1978) conducted some of the first empirical studies on women’s candidacy and election in various levels of government. Since these seminal works, gender has remained a complex and under-researched concept (Vickers, 2016). Such gaps are evident in the existence of a debate on the accessibility of politics to women, especially regarding municipal politics. In order to fill these gaps, this dissertation focuses on Canadian mayors through a gender lens by examining the gendered variation in mayors’ active use of a Facebook page, Twitter account and Instagram account, their motivations to use social media and their digital political gender performance. Using primary data, results show a positive gender gap in mayors’ active use of social media outside of an electoral campaign. Semi-structured interviews with digitally active mayors demonstrate that gender continues to play an important role in politics, as much in relation to mayors’ motivations to use social media to gendered barriers limiting women’s participation. Women mayors shared experiences of gender trolling online, unsolicited comments on their appearance or lifestyle, as well as a greater mental load. A content analysis of their visual social media publications shows a greater level of digital interactivity among women mayors, and while women mayors tend to gravitate toward congruent, mixed gendered performances and avoidance strategies, men mayors – who also display mixed performances of their gender – more freely explore congruent and incongruent approaches to gendered stereotypes. In light of these findings, it is recommended that practitioners, such as legislatures and news media, adopt gender-neutral language, develop and integrate a digital etiquette to reduce gender-trolling and aim to change our political ethos, namely through political training opportunities aimed toward hegemonic men, rather than blame women for their underrepresentation. Finally, Canadian political science would gain to stray from the beaten path to focus on the mental load experienced by women politicians, the socially constructed and gendered conception of a political career and to strive to maintain accessible, reliable and current data on all Canadian local political actors. To echo Collier’s (2022) call to action on gender-based violence research in Canadian political science, for a discipline that claims to center itself on power (780), it has long skirted the gendered elephant in the room.

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No description available.

The American planter has mostly been presented as the epitome of the romantic cavalier legend that could be found in the fiction of John Pendleton Kennedy to Thomas Nelson Page: a man of chivalric manners and good breeding; a man of good social position; a man of wealth and leisure (Concise Oxford Dictionary). A closer scrutiny of the cavalier and genteel ethos of the time, however, reveals the inherent ideological inconsistencies with the idea of the gentleman itself, as the ideal came to be more and more perceived as an illusion and as challenges to traditional gender stereotypes came to redefine the nature and role of the Southern Gentleman. This study hopes to complicate the traditional delineation of hegemonic manhood with the aim to better understand how precisely the Old South’s masculine ideals were constructed and maintained over time, especially in times of crisis, and how southern elite males (re)defined, enacted, and/or maintained a distinctive Southern model of masculinity while others resisted, modified, or flouted those ideals. The work undertaken by this dissertation can thus be situated within the broad rubric of masculinity studies and its central axiom—the interrogation of the structures of power, domination, and hierarchy. Enriching masculinity studies of the Old South, this critical study of Southern American fiction attempts to respond to the invitation of historians like Stephen Berry or Craig Thompson Friend in striking a commendable balance between conceptualizing larger historical questions and narrating the intimacies and complexities of Southern men’s individual lives. Taken collectively, these novels continue to explore this fertile field by moving outside the “confines and confidences of elites” (Peel 1). Because it complicates any simple equation between honor, mastery, and manliness, and because it seeks to revisit traditional conceptualisations of gender, I hope that this study will open new ways of thinking about the privileges and wounds of a masculinity that has been considered by most as the normative, invisible, and unquestioned referent from which to measure marginalized others—foreigners, women, or non-whites.

Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 170-184).

No description available.

La obra El beso de la mujer araña (1976) del escritor argentino Manuel Puig se basa en la convivencia de dos personajes principales en el calabozo de una cárcel en Buenos Aires durante la dictadura argentina. Es destacable la manera en que estos personajes desarrollan una relación basada en la intimidad. Debido al desarrollo del concepto de género, ahora visto más allá del biologicismo, se abren nuevas posibilidades de interpretación sobre esta relación. El objetivo de nuestro trabajo ha consistido en realizar una nueva lectura sobre la identidad del personaje Molina y la relación con su compañero de celda Valentín desde la perspectiva transgénero. Para ello nos hemos basado en terminología de las nuevas categorizaciones de identidadde género, así como también la teoría de la performatividad del género y la teoríade la autoasignación de la identidad sexual de Judith Butler. Ha sido interesante descubrir cómo estos nuevos conceptos que tenemos hoy en día en la comunidad Queer nos revelan nuevas definiciones sobre la identidad del protagonista Molina y sobre su relación con el activista izquierdista Valentín. / Kiss of the Spider Woman (1976) by the Argentine writer Manuel Puig is based on the connivance of two main characters in the Buenos Aires prison during the Argentine dictatorship. These characters develop a relationship based on emotional and sexual intimacy. Nowadays, the debate about the concept of gender has developed, since we can now see beyond the limits of biology, which opens new interpretation of this argument. The objective of our investigative work is to carry out a new analysis of Molina’s identity and his relationship with his prison partner Valentine, from a transgender perspective. We used terminology from the new categories of gender identity, as well as the theory of the gender performance and the theory of sexual assignment by Judith Butler. It is intriguing to learn how the concepts prevalent in the Queer community today reveal new definitions about the identity of the protagonist Molina and about his relationship with Valentine.