二十世紀末世界各國掀起了全球化的浪潮，人口的不斷的增加、國際貿易快速的成長以及跨國公司的迅速擴張，固然帶來了生產效率的提高以及經濟的繁榮，但對社會同時也帶來了負面的影響：工會自由組織的權利受到挑戰，強迫勞動、就業歧視與童工的問題也更加嚴重，國與國之間的貧富差距也不斷擴大，全球有三分之一的勞動人口無法找到固定的工作，超過十億的人每日收入低於一美元。經濟貿易的發展如果無法促使勞動者獲得更好的工作條件及生活品質，那麼全球化所帶來的經濟繁榮也終將無法永續，正如《費城宣言》中所提及的「任一地的貧窮都會對繁榮造成威脅」。 　　國際勞工組織於1999年所提出之優質工作政策，即是在面對經濟全球化所帶來的社會不公正上，所持的策略作為，希望能透過優質工作政策所揭櫫的四大策略：勞動基本原則與權利、促進就業、社會保護及社會對話，以增進勞工得以在自由、公平、受保障且有尊嚴的工作環境中，獲得優質且具有生產效益的工作，進而落實社會正義之理念。 　　優質工作政策的提出至今已有十二年之久，透過國際勞工組織努力的宣導以及各種國際機構及組織的推廣，其政策之理念也逐漸普及於世界各地並獲得廣泛的共識。世界貿易組織、國際貨幣基金組織以及世界銀行三大全球經濟治理機構，在推動其政策上也開始納入優質工作之政策；國際工會組織、國際雇主團體以及公民社會和非政府組織，也鼓勵其會員國將政策理念推廣於各個國家，並且促進勞動基準及相關保護法規的建立；各國經濟貿易所簽署之協定中，也已逐步將勞動議題融入其協議中，亦透過企業社會責任促使政策得以落實於所有員工達到優質工作政策之目標。 　　探究優質工作政策，發現其核心理念、目標值得我國參考與學習，因此，本研究提出以下建議：（一）將優質工作理念落實於全國人民；（二）加強三方機制，促進社會對話；（三）規劃優質工作政策的衡量指標及監督機制，並且表揚政策成功落實典範；（四）貿易協定納入勞動相關條款；（五）從企業社會責任落實優質工作政策。 / Globalization brings lots of effects, it causes that populations increased, international trade and multi-national corporations expended quickly at the end of twenty centry. Though globalization brings productive efficiently and boomy economics, it also brings negative social effects: the challenge of the right of collective bargaining, forced labor, employment discrimination, and child labor. The poverty gap between contry and country enlarges countinually so that lots of people can not find a permanent job and over 1 billions of people earned less than 1 US dollar per day. If the development of the economic trade can not let all workers to acquire a better working condition, the boomy economics can not sustain which also mentioned in《Declaration of Philadelphia》: Poverty anywhere constitutes a danger to prosperity everywhere. International Labour Organization (ILO) introduced “Decent Work Agenda” in 1999 which is to resolve the social injustice brought from globalization. There are four strategies of decent work: rights at work, employment creation, social protection, and social dialogue. The primary purpose of Decent Work agenda is to promote opportunities for women and men to obtain decent and productive work, in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity. ILO promotes the concept of Decent Work Agenda to global governance institutions. WTO, IMF and WB start to include labor issues within their policy or relevant programmes; ITUC, IOE, civil society, and NGOs enhance their membership to promote Decent Work Agenda to their countries. Besides, ILO wants all countries could lay down commitments on labor issues within the agreements during the activities of international trade, and all of the enterprises could practice the goal of Decent Work Agenda by corporate social responsibility (CSR). Therefore, this study makes the following recommendations: (a) promote Decent Work Agenda to all people; (b) enhance tripartite mechanism and social dialogue; (c) formulate the measurement index and monitor mechanism of Decent Work; (d) lay down commitments on labour matters within trade agreements; (e) boost CSR to realize the goal of Decent Work Agenda.

This thesis explores the location and nature of the power that is deepening and broadening the revolution in modern biotechnologies, and which is inherent in the global governance of one type of genetic resource — plant genetic resources. Plant genetic resources are of increasing importance within the global political economy and ecology because of the power/knowledge networks contributing to, and responding to developments in the biotechnology sector, and concerned with the rampant erosion of biological diversity. The thesis argues that transnational norms, values and knowledge are important aspects of power. Discursive power, and particularly the power inherent in discourses of sustainable development, security and human rights, are a central focus of the thesis. The thesis challenges realist, neo-realist and other structural analyses of power which focus on relative distributions of power at the level of individual states or at the global level.

This thesis explores the location and nature of the power that is deepening and broadening the revolution in modern biotechnologies, and which is inherent in the global governance of one type of genetic resource — plant genetic resources. Plant genetic resources are of increasing importance within the global political economy and ecology because of the power/knowledge networks contributing to, and responding to developments in the biotechnology sector, and concerned with the rampant erosion of biological diversity. The thesis argues that transnational norms, values and knowledge are important aspects of power. Discursive power, and particularly the power inherent in discourses of sustainable development, security and human rights, are a central focus of the thesis. The thesis challenges realist, neo-realist and other structural analyses of power which focus on relative distributions of power at the level of individual states or at the global level.

This thesis contributes to debates on the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in global governance by asking if their participation in the global response to HIV/AIDS has been transformative – with transformation conceptualized as change towards a more equitable order. Adopting a critical International Relations approach, and applying qualitative methods, it analyzes how CSOs used the initial failure of biomedical responses to the epidemic to advance a human rights frame, which justified their participation in global governance. This frame complemented conceptions of AIDS exceptionalism, and has recently shifted in response to an increased focus on key populations. CSOs continue to advance the rights frame in global institutions – the focus here being on how they have done so within UNAIDS and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. However, rigid bureaucracies and dominant power relationships limit CSOs’ ability to transform these institutions to be more responsive to and representative of those affected by the epidemic. CSOs have further struggled to influence the largest global donors of the HIV/AIDS response – the Global Fund and PEPFAR – to direct greater resources to rights-based initiatives, despite CSO participation in resource mobilization. Though CSO participation has been restricted by donor state power, bureaucratic structures, and changes in the political economy of global health, CSOs have continued to promote potentially transformative alternatives, and so have continued to represent the interests of those most affected by the epidemic. This allows potential for further transformative alternatives.

[pt] Os últimos anos têm presenciado um rápido aumento nos casos de land grab em diversas regiões do mundo. Terras e outros itens relacionados a ela têm sido apropriados em uma corrida global, que têm resultado em desapropriações, violações de direitos humanos, insegurança alimentar, dentre outros. O principal objetivo desta dissertação é analisar as iniciativas de organizações internacionais para a regulação global dos investimentos em terra e discutir seus efeitos sobre o fenômeno land grabbing no início do século XXI. Para isso, o estudo busca, primeiramente, avançar na compreensão do land grabbing, entendido como apropriação de terras, ideia que está diretamente ligada aos processos paralelos de acumulação por espoliação e reprodução ampliada do capital, conforme conceitos de David Harvey, e a transformações recentes na economia e política mundiais, que contribuíram para a corrida contemporânea. Esta perspectiva é complementada pela teoria crítica neogramsciana das Relações Internacionais, que explicam como a governança global do período está entrelaçada a um modelo de desenvolvimento dominante. A governança global dos land grabs é analisada por meio do foco em duas iniciativas multilaterais, elaboradas pelo Banco Mundial e agências da ONU. Os conceitos de novo constitucionalismo e civilização de mercado são essenciais para notar como as organizações internacionais têm sido aliadas no processo de mercantilização da natureza, em uma governança pautada por um discurso neoliberal e coordenada pela disciplina de mercado e pelo poder político. Argumenta-se que tais organizações, por meio de suas iniciativas de governança da terra, legitimam as apropriações de terra e contribuem para uma despolitização do debate sobre land grabbing. / [en] Recent years have witnessed a rapid increase in land grabbing in several regions of the world. Land and other related items have been appropriate in a global race whose dynamics have resulted in expropriations, human rights violations, food insecurity, among others. The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the initiatives of international organizations for the global regulation of investments on land and to discuss their effects on the land grabbing phenomenon at the beginning of the 21st century. To this end, this study seeks firstly to advance the understanding of the land grabbing phenomenon, understood as appropriation of land, an idea that is directly linked to the parallel processes of accumulation by dispossession and reproduction of capital, according to David Harvey s concepts, and to recent transformations in world economy and politics, which contributed to the contemporary race. This perspective is complemented by assumptions and concepts of neogramscian critical theory of International Relations, which explain how the global governance of the period is intertwined with a dominant development model. The global governance of the land grabs is analyzed by focusing on two multilateral initiatives, launched by the World Bank and UN agencies. The concepts of new constitutionalism and market civilization are essential to note how international organizations have been allied in the process of commodification of nature, in governance ruled by a neoliberal discourse and coordinated by market discipline and political power. It is argued that such organizations, through their land governance initiatives, legitimize land appropriations and contribute to depoliticizing the land grabbing debate.

This thesis discusses global partnerships for sustainable development. Global partnerships have come to be considered as key tools for the implementation of certain international sustainable development goals and there is a growing literature on the subject. Nevertheless, no study has yet been done of the Global Deal Partnership for Decent Work and Inclusive Growth, initiated by the Government of Sweden in 2016. The partnership is presented as a concrete input to several of the Sustainable Development Goals, especially numbers 8, 10, and 17. This provides an important opportunity to make sense of the Global Deal partnership, in particular since it is the first attempt of its kind to unite all stakeholders on the global labour market to work together to provide decent work and inclusive growth for all. What are the goals of the Global Deal, how was it formed, and how is it being implemented? The analysis presented in this thesis is based on a literature survey, documentary analysis, and interviews with the Global Deal Partnership’s support unit at the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. This thesis argues that the Global Deal partnership is a textbook example of a global multi-stakeholder partnership, developed through an inclusive goal-setting process, and implemented with monitoring and reporting functions.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1087447 bytes, checksum: 79d5a97951be60c035d3c842b880cb73 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Global Administrative Law theory has risen as an alternative to the traditional reading of global governance, interpreting that much of global regulatory governance can be seen as a form of administration. For this reason, it has included a range of actors, other than states, as global agents capable of making decisions, norms and standard, within specific legal regimes (understood as types of administration), encompassed in a global administrative space, in which practices are optimized by adoption of domestic administrative law tools and principles, where accountability is lied as a central mechanism once it serves as a way of strengthening the legitimacy of global law. In this sense, it can be highlighted the struggle of clearly determining, sometimes, who is affected by the law that emerges from GAL, leaving the civil society with the role of representing the global public . The present study aims ultimately to understand the notion of accountability applied from GAL s perspective, within an exercise of identifying central elements that allows the attainment of accountability mechanisms e.g. the establishment of standards, propagation of information and enforcement of standards through sanctions in WTO s scope, under a horizontal level i.e. considering only the states as likely of applying accountability and, under a vertical level i.e. listing civil society as the final recipient of multilateral system trade rules as a manner of exploring until where WTO can be seen as accountable and, therefore, can reinforce the legitimacy of its rules within the global administrative space. / A teoria do Direito Administrativo Global surgiu como uma alternativa às tradicionais leituras da governança global, interpretando que muito da governança regulatória global pode ser vista como uma forma de administração. Por conta disto, passou a incluir uma série de outros atores, que não os Estados, como agentes globais capazes de tomar decisões, produzir normas e padrões, dentro de determinados regimes jurídicos (entendidos como tipos de administração), englobados em um espaço administrativo global, no qual as suas práticas são otimizadas pela adoção de princípios e ferramentas do Direito Administrativo doméstico, estando a accountability disposta como um mecanismo central, uma vez que serve como meio de fortalecimento de legitimidade das normas globais. Neste sentido, se destaca dificuldade do DAG de, por vezes, estabelecer a figura do destinatário das normas que emergem do seu âmbito, restando à sociedade civil o papel de representar o público global . O presente trabalho se propõe, por fim, a compreender a noção de accountability aplicada sob a perspectiva do DAG, num exercício de identificação da promoção dos elementos fundamentais à sua consecução quais sejam, estabelecimento de padrões, difusão de informações e aplicação de sanções no âmbito da OMC, sob um plano horizontal que estabelece apenas os Estados como passíveis de aplicação de mecanismos de accountability e, num plano vertical elencando a sociedade civil como destinatária final das regras comerciais do sistema multilateral como uma maneira de explorar até que ponto a OMC é accountable e, desta forma, fortalece a legitimidade das suas regras no espaço administrativo global.

This master\'s thesis examines the effects of Brazil\'s economic and political rise on the nation\'s ability to have shaped global order through soft balancing during the presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and the consequent impact on Brazil\'s relations with the United States. In order to contextualize the effects of Brazil\'s soft balancing on international institutions and Brazilian-American relations, this text first reviews the relevant theoretical and empirical literature on the liberal peace (and, conversely, trade-based conflicts), the democratic peace, and the nature and evolution of global governance. In the context of both the liberal peace and global governance, the literature implies the potential either for Brazilian-American cooperation to have grown or for heightened conflict to have arisen from the countries\' opposing interests and quests for influence in the transformation to a multipolar world. Meanwhile, the literature posits the potential for shared values to have promoted bilateral harmony but also points to shortcomings in Brazil\'s democratic consolidation that may have undermined the relevance of democracy as a catalyst for Brazilian-American relations during Lula\'s presidency. The empirical analysis in this text, after briefly examining Brazil\'s past quest for power vis-á-vis the United States and Lula\'s limited expansion of Brazil\'s hard (military) power, focuses on Lula\'s use of soft power as a tool to balance American influence in South America and around the world. Lula pursued a classic middle-power soft-balancing strategy by building regional and global coalitions and leveraging international institutions. Although Lula\'s efforts at coalition-building had somewhat limited effects, Brazil\'s soft-balancing strategy nevertheless succeeded in making Brazil\'s positions more consequential to global governance and American policy. Lula\'s incremental progress in checking American influence and solidifying Brazil\'s status as a middle power generally led to friction between Brazil and the United States, although the two countries were able to maintain constructive relations in areas of shared values and interests. / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa os efeitos da ascensão econômica e política do Brasil sobre a capacidade do país em haver moldado a ordem global via soft balancing durante a presidência de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, bem como o consequente impacto dessa ascensão sobre as relações do Brasil com os Estados Unidos. A fim de contextualizar os efeitos do soft balancing brasileiro em instituições internacionais e nas relações brasileiro-americanas, este texto realiza, primeiramente, uma revisão da literatura teórica e empírica pertinente relativa a paz liberal (e, inversamente, conflitos relacionados ao comércio), a paz democrática e a natureza e evolução da governança global. No contexto tanto da paz liberal quanto da governança global, a literatura sugere o potencial ou de aumento da cooperação entre Brasil-Estados Unidos ou de intensificação do conflito decorrente de interesses divergentes dos países e da busca por influência na transformação para um mundo multipolar. Paralelamente, a literatura indica o potencial de que valores compartilhados tenham promovido harmonia bilateral, mas aponta ainda para as limitações da consolidação democrática do Brasil, cujos efeitos podem ter enfraquecido a importância da democracia como um catalisador das relações brasileiro-americanas durante a presidência de Lula. A parte empírica deste texto, após uma breve análise da história de busca brasileira por poder vis-à-vis aos Estados Unidos e da limitada expansão do hard power (poder militar) brasileiro, foca-se no uso que Lula fez do soft power como forma de contra-balancear a influência americana na América do Sul e ao redor do mundo. Lula adotou uma estratégia clássica de soft balancing de potências intermediárias por meio da construção de coalizões regionais e globais, além da influência em instituições internacionais. Apesar dos limitados resultados dos esforços de Lula em formar coalizões, a estratégia brasileira de soft balancing foi, no entanto, bem sucedida em tornar a posição brasileira mais relevante para a governança global e a política americana. Apesar dos dois países terem sido capazes de manter relações construtivas em áreas de interesse e valores comuns, o progresso crescente de Lula em limitar a influência americana e solidificar a posição brasileira de potência intermediária levou, de maneira geral, a atritos entre Brasil e Estados Unidos.

Abstract This thesis deals with the democratic accountability question within systems of global governance, but focuses on the European Union. The main ambition has been to explore and give an account for the current situation, and lack of accountability as a part of the European Union democratic deficit. It will also stress some of the solutions proposed. In order to fulfil this I have used classic liberal democracy theory and multi level governance theory. The thesis defines the concept of accountability as to be held accountable to a constituency or a superior official and the relationship between them can take many different shapes. Several factors are identified as threats to accountability such as many tiers of governance, no clearly defined responsibilities and the lack of elected politicians on a level of global governance. By establishing the EU as a government of multi level governance and a bearer of democratic values, problems with accountability and hence legitimacy will be presented in relation to the EU:s sui generis features and unique composition. The thesis concludes that even though a union with democratic accountability is highly desired, it is not feasible that it will happen in the nearest future, hence as the situation is today with scattered responsibilities and an invisibility within the non elected institutions, accountability remains a utopia for coming generations to implement. Key Words: accountability, the EU, democracy, legitimacy, responsibility, global governance, multi level governance, democracy theory. Characters: 78.833

The thesis concers the issue of conflict minerals in the Democratic republic of Congo. The situation in the country has been monitored by the NGO Global Witness for decades. Human rights violation, illicit trade followed by exporting of minerals out of the country, have been supervised by militaristic rebel groups. As a result these groups have been indirectly founded by international corporations.The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the performance of Global Witness at the agenda setting of conflict minerals, including a critical assessment of legislative measures.