¡@Ecological and environmental problems of the 21st century are a serious threat to human survival and economic development. From open policy, Mainland China has made remarkable achievements in economic development, but also pays a heavy consideration for the resources and environment, unbalanced regional development and environmental diplomacy issues with neighboring countries. This paper tries to use literature, induction, case analysis of three research methods to analysis. This paper tries to find wrong creation of "because of" on Mainland China environmental problem. This paper comes by experience of developed countries to examine transformation of politics, economy, society policy in Mainland China, and tries in the economic development and pollution of the environment to achieve a balance. ¡@¡@Ecological environment has the properties of public goods and externalities. Central government is main actor of ecological environmental governance is no doubt. But state and society relations began to change with the transformation of the social and institutional change. Originally, Government monopoly to supply public goods began to shift to multiple actors supply model. This paper presents enterprises, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), citizens of the three non-governmental actors and the relationship of the ecological environmental governance, and explores the interactive relationship between of central government and local government. On this basis, ecological environmental governance network theory as the core, proposed new ways to analysis the necessity and feasibility of ecological environmental governance network, and construct multiple actors of collaboration the new model of governance network. ¡@¡@The serious of environment problem in Mainland China faces severity influence economy growth, society security and people healthy. The environment depravation degree forces the environment non- government organization and citizen to joins. This paper used the case in the Huaihe River Valley. The environmental NGO, Huaihe River Guider, successes to connect with central government, citizen, and enterprise. Mainland China's central government still needs to strengthen rule of law construction and market mechanism establishment, particularly lawmaking guarantee the citizen participate, the solution mechanism of environment dispute, an arrange taking of dirty tax and fees etc., and then to expand this model to the pollution of various type in each city. Government absorbs the environmental governance experience, funds and technique of developed country by attending global governance, and then raises the environment quality of earth.

Den administrativa indelningen har inte lika stor betydelse för att kommunens invånare ska ha ett välfungerande vardagsliv, då människors vardagsmönster sträcker sig i allt större utsträckning över kommungränsen. Den fysiska planeringen behöver sättas in i ett större perspektiv för att hantera detta, vilket ger upphov till samarbete mellan kommuner över gränserna i form av mellankommunal planering. Den mellankommunala planeringen innebär att kommuner upprättar nätverk gemensamt att samverka inom, vilka rör sig utanför det formella planeringssystemet och präglas av en otydlig ansvarsfördelning. Samtidigt kan kommuner ha skilda mål och intressen som inte sammanfaller väl med målet för den mellankommunala planeringen. Det kan därmed lätt uppstå en maktkamp mellan de delaktiga kommunerna angående vems agenda som ska få dominera i den mellankommunala planeringen. Uppsatsen syftar till att kritiskt granska bakomliggande motiv och drivkrafter till varför mellankommunal planering inleds samt vems behov som uttrycks när det uppstår en maktkamp om vems intressen som ska få styra. Uppsatsens tillvägagångsätt är en fallstudie där det studerade fallet utgörs av Växjö och Alvesta kommuners pågående planeringssamarbete. Metoder för insamling av material har varit semistrukturerade intervjuer med tjänstepersoner och politiker i respektive kommun samt dokumentstudier av kommunala översiktsplaner. Det empiriska materialet har tagits an med en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där ett analytiskt ramverk utifrån det övergripande teoretiska perspektivet varit styrande. Den övergripande teoretiska utgångspunkten för uppsatsen är governance network där begreppen soft och hard spaces samt fuzzy boundaries tillämpats för att placera det i ett planeringssammanhang. Slutligen har ett maktperspektiv tillämpats som knyter an till studiens forskningsfråga. Studien som har genomförts pekar på att det finns ett antal drivkrafter som motiverar kommuner att inleda mellankommunal planering med varandra. Motiv som får kommuner att inleda samarbeten med varandra handlar om att skapa en större enhet för att kunna öka sina påverkansmöjligheter angående frågor som ligger utanför kommunernas handlingsutrymme. I det studerade fallet har Växjö och Alvesta ett gemensamt intresse av att utveckla ett dubbelspår, där dessa gemensamt arbetar mot statliga myndigheter för att förverkliga detta. Ett annat tydligt motiv är att kommuner samarbetar för att deras gemensamma intressen kan öka tillväxten och stärka deras position i regionen och gentemot omvärlden. Växjö och Alvesta är ett regionalt centrum varpå ett samarbete över gränsen kan stärka denna roll. Det upprättade nätverket som Växjö och Alvesta utgör visar på en planering som äger rum i soft spaces som rör sig utanför det formella planeringssystemet och över existerande kommunala gränser, där kommunerna inte längre kan hantera sina behov inom sitt egna hard spaces. Studien visar även på att kommuner som samverkar har skilda förutsättningar där deras skilda funktioner ger upphov till ett ömsesidigt beroende till varandra. I och med att kommunerna är av olika storlekar och med skilda förutsättningar framgår det i studien att kommunerna har skilda motiv till deras mellankommunala planering, där det tydligt framgår att Alvesta har ett behov av samarbetet som driver dem medan Växjö har ett annat behov som är deras drivkraft. Slutligen framkommer det av deras skilda motiv och förutsättningar att det är den större kommunen som är drivande, men där det är den mindre kommunens behov och intressen som uttrycks i deras gemensamma planeringssamarbete och besitter makt i frågan.

This study examines collaborative working in the provision of housing services, explored by focusing on military veterans as the client group. Military veterans are recognised as being over represented in the homeless population and they are one of the few employment groups who usually have to give up their homes when they give up their employment. Therefore, access to services that assist them into housing are likely to be an important resource for them. This study adopted a case study approach and an online survey to obtain empirical evidence to explore the extent of organisations working together to provide housing services for military veterans in Scotland. The work was underpinned by theoretical frameworks in governance, networks and partnership working. Governance theory provides an understanding of how state control impacts on organisational relationships and the fragmentation of public service delivery, with the associated drivers for collaborative working to provide cohesion into the system. Studying governance focuses attention on the blurring of organisational boundaries, which both enable and restrict partnership working. It requires actors to be prepared to take risks beyond their institutional boundaries to work with others; this is a barrier for some practitioners who do not have the remit to take such risks. The findings suggest veterans experience problems at the points of interaction with generic public service providers. Also, there is a perception that this group may have, or develop, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). This perception may be over emphasised, however social housing providers are concerned about supporting this group in social housing tenancies. Three themes emerged from the study. Firstly, coherent, rational and strategic drivers for collaborative working exist and are clear. Secondly, the obstacles to this rational objective of collaborative working include differing organisational objectives and ethos and the effects of state control on different types of organisations. Actors have to overcome these barriers to work with others, in networks, in order to provide services resulting in messy and patchy delivery. Finally, service users are left to negotiate the resulting disjointed and chaotic service provision. The thesis concludes that organisational collaborations to house military veterans are relatively new, and the extent of this activity is likely to be low throughout Scotland. Whilst collaborative working does improve housing outcomes for some military veterans, as an overall strategy it fails to deliver for all.

PUBLIC-PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP AS A POLICY INSTRUMENT: THE CASE OF &Ccedil / ALBiR This dissertation assesses the nature and features of public-private partnerships in the case of &Ccedil / ALB&amp / #272 / R. In this study, the public policy literature (especially policy transfer, policy formation and implementation, and network approach) has been used to explain the policy process for the adoption of such a policy instrument. The findings of this study can be summarized as: Firstly, this study indicates that the selection of policy instrument- public private partnership- in the case of &Ccedil / ALB&amp / #272 / R was not neutral as the proponents of managerialism assert but it was ideological. Secondly, there occurred a democratic legitimacy problem for the establishment of public-private partnerships in &Ccedil / ALB&amp / #272 / R case when citizens in the elections elected a mayor who was against privatization. Thirdly, after the establishment of public-private partnership the steering performed by &Ccedil / ALBiR is not traditional command and control mechanism but instead it is managerial collaboration and persuasion mechanism. In addition, local government&rsquo / s working in accordance with managerial principles has brought about the elimination of public values. Lastly, this study shows that public-private partnership is not efficient enough due to compensation fee paid in early years, high operating expenses, and blurring of boundaries between public and private sector. Therefore, the main argument of this dissertation is that public-private partnerships as policy tools should be assessed case by case since so called characteristics of public-private partnerships such as efficiency, and equity may not exist as in case of &Ccedil / ALBiR.

Submitted by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-06-18T20:02:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AlineVeigadosSantosTese2017.pdf: 5589088 bytes, checksum: 4428412ad13146bc8fbc170390e2e0ff (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Sara Ribeiro (sara.ribeiro@ucb.br) on 2018-06-18T20:03:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AlineVeigadosSantosTese2017.pdf: 5589088 bytes, checksum: 4428412ad13146bc8fbc170390e2e0ff (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-18T20:03:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AlineVeigadosSantosTese2017.pdf: 5589088 bytes, checksum: 4428412ad13146bc8fbc170390e2e0ff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-14 / This study has as object of research the Student Financing Fund (Fies), which is an educational policy with broad social dimension that aimed to promote the democratization of access and permanence in higher education by benefiting economically disadvantaged students. However, after its redesign in 2010, has developed as a marketing policy, which promotes the privatization and financialization of higher education, and consolidates the conglomerates. The investigation of the governance network of the Fies is embedded in a complex network of articulation and power between State (political society), and entrepreneurs of education (private hegemony apparatus). Given this scenario, demarcated by several actors that constitute the Expanded State, this study opted to place a magnifying glass over the node of Kroton network. Thus, the general objective was to investigate the contradictions generated by the correlation of forces between the State and private apparatus in the Fies governance network and Kroton articulations within this arena to maintain its hegemony as the largest conglomerate of higher education in the world. This is a critical-descriptive documentary research, based on Theory of Extended State and the Method of Analysis of Social Networks, using the technique of documentary analysis. The approach used was qualitative and quantitative. Regarding the treatment of documentary sources, the qualitative data were analyzed according to Critical Discourse Analysis, and the quantitative and financial data were analyzed in the light of Descriptive Statistics. In view of the extensive collection of information collected, it was used a resource to visualize the Fies governance network and weave the speeches of the Chamber and the Federal Senate. Gephi - free software - was used to graphically signal this network of relationships. Alceste - paid software, version 4.8/2012 - was used to analyze the speeches of the politicians and the networks actors invited to participate in the public hearings that debated the Fies. It was found that Kroton, from its modus operandi and the articulations of its representatives, became the largest beneficiary of Fies, followed by other educational companies. To a large extent, the exorbitant profit margins are closely related to the high number of students beneficiaries of Fies, since a significant portion of revenues derived from the payment of fees is guaranteed. In just three years, 2014, 2015 and 2016, the federal government transferred over R$ 6.8 billion to the institution. Kroton's Board of Directors is composed of former minister, former secretary of education, former federal deputy, former vice governor, and presidents and directors of main representative associations of the educational sector (ABMES, ANUP, CRUB, FERESP, SEMESP). Kroton, through its organic intellectuals, seeks to maintain a close relationship with the politicians that represent education entrepreneurs in the National Congress. The intention is to form networks of cooperation to preserve its hegemony over the whole of society. Therefore, its allies employ strategies to reach consensus, seeking the support of the population and the politicians to their political, economic and ideological project. Fies has been corroborating with the formation of oligopolies by passing on a large amount of resources to the institutions private-market. Fies is an extremely complex policy, which printed contradictory interests to their social character to maintain the hegemony of the private-sector market and give impetus to the financialization of education. / Este estudo tem como objeto de investigação o Fundo de Financiamento Estudantil (Fies), que é uma política educacional com ampla dimensão social, que visa promover a democratização do acesso e a permanência no ensino superior ao beneficiar estudantes desfavorecidos economicamente. No entanto, após seu redesenho em 2010, desenvolveu-se como política mercadológica, indutora da privatização e financeirização do ensino superior e consolidadora dos conglomerados. A investigação da rede de governança do Fies se insere em uma complexa teia de articulação e poder entre Estado (sociedade política) e empresariado (aparelhos privados de hegemonia). Diante desse cenário, demarcado por vários atores que constituem o Estado Ampliado, este estudo optou por colocar uma lupa sobre o nó da rede Kroton. Destarte, o objetivo geral foi investigar as contradições geradas pela correlação de forças entre o Estado e os aparelhos privados na rede de governança do Fies e as articulações da Kroton, dentro desta arena, para consolidar sua hegemonia como o maior conglomerado do ensino superior do mundo. Trata-se de uma pesquisa documental crítico-descritiva, que se fundamentou na Teoria do Estado Ampliado e no Método da Análise de Redes Sociais, com o emprego da técnica de análise documental. A abordagem empregada foi qualitativa e quantitativa. Quanto ao tratamento das fontes documentais, os dados qualitativos foram analisados por meio da Análise Crítica do Discurso e os dados quantitativos e financeiros foram analisados à luz da Estatística Descritiva. Diante do extenso conjunto de informações coletadas, buscou-se um recurso que permitisse visualizar a rede de governança do Fies e tecer os discursos proferidos na Câmara e no Senado Federal. O Gephi – software livre – foi utilizado para sinalizar graficamente essa teia de relações. O Alceste – software pago, versão 4.8/2012 – foi utilizado para analisar os discursos dos políticos e das redes de atores convidadas para participar das audiências públicas que debateram o Fies. Constatou-se que a Kroton, a partir do seu modus operandi e das articulações de seus representantes, tornou-se a maior beneficiária do Fies, seguida das demais companhias educacionais. Em grande medida, as margens de lucro exorbitantes guardam estreita relação com o elevado número de estudantes beneficiários do Fies, posto que parcela expressiva das receitas derivadas do pagamento das mensalidades fica garantida. Em apenas três anos, 2014, 2015 e 2016, o governo federal repassou mais de R$ 6,8 bilhões para a instituição. Na composição do Conselho de Administração da Kroton, encontram-se ex-ministro, ex-secretário de educação, ex-deputado federal, ex-vice-governador, presidentes e diretores das principais associações representativas do setor educacional (ABMES, ANUP, CRUB, FERESP, SEMESP). A Kroton, por intermédio de seus intelectuais orgânicos, busca manter uma relação estreita com a bancada que representa os empresários da educação no Congresso Nacional. O intuito é formar redes de cooperação para conservar sua hegemonia sobre o conjunto da sociedade. Para tanto, seus aliados empregam estratégias para alcançar consensos, buscando o apoio da população e dos governantes para o seu projeto político, econômico e ideológico. Observa-se que o Fies tem corroborado com a formação dos oligopólios ao repassar um elevado aporte de recursos para as instituições privado-mercantis. O Fies é uma política extremamente complexa, que imprimiu interesses contraditórios ao seu caráter social para manter a hegemonia do setor privado-mercantil e dar impulso à financeirização da educação.

自90年代北投溫泉公共浴場成功保存再利用後，北投的市民力量崛起、社區組織集結，社區組織開始在北投社區治理中扮演重要的角色。然而，最初為了推動北投溫泉公共浴場而成立的社區組織「八頭里仁協會」，隨著發展過程中兩次的組織分裂，另外兩個社區組織「北投生態文史工作室」、「北投文化基金會」相繼成立，形成社區中三大社區組織鼎立的狀態，彼此之間呈現多元的動態關係，因此，北投社區組織間將如何運作與互動，其所具體實踐治理結構，即本文的最終核心目的。 本研究係以社區治理作為論述基礎，以社區組織參與社區治理作為研究主體，觀察北投的社區治理，分析參與其中的社區組織「八頭里仁協會」、「北投生態文史工作室」、「北投文化基金會」，並以特定的社區議題「新北投車站歸鄉」、「復育北投石」及「北投空中纜車興建」作為組織互動分析的操作媒介，在不同議題中，透過議題網絡的建構，運用網絡分析途徑探討參與其中的社區組織，藉以分析社區組織間的互動關係。研究發現，三大社區組織間由於組織運作上的差異，及在社區發展過程中組織分裂與議題合作的基礎，使得北投社區中已有一定程度相關的人力和資源，會基於經驗的傳承或議題的需求，形成治理上的分流，進一步形成「議題型」與「計畫型」社區組織的差異，建構出社區的雙元治理結構。 / In a newly emerging pluralistic democracy, how grassroots organizations interact? They tend to compete against each other for limited resources, having different positions in one issue, and need to cooperate to pursue common goals. Most importantly, they are in a repeated-game scenario in which they need to face each other in a very long period of time. This setting gives them important incentives to coordinate their actions to avoid possible conflicts. By a case study in the Beitou area of Taipei, Taiwan, this thesis examines the dynamics between civil associations, specifically Peitou Li Zen, Beitou Ecology Cultural, and History Workshop, and Beitou Cultural Foundation. This research indicates an equilibrium of dual-pole structure in grassroots level: associations would divide themselves by either “issue-oriented” or “project-oriented” automatically: the former is ideology-driven while the latter is resource-driven. Such identity-division avoids confrontation in fighting for resources in the meantime facilitates division of labor among them, and thus stabilize their relationship.

This study aims to understand a swedish BID (business improvement district) partnership as a local form of urban governance in neighborhood improvement. The study explores challenges with the collaborative governance of various actors with a majority of private property owners. It highlights the need of public meta-governance and the challenges the network's public leader face in its governing of the network. As a framework for this, the study uses governance theory, which discusses the effective and democratic implications for network governance and how it can be improved by a meta-governor. It also uses various perspectives of BIDs as governance networks and its influence as urban actors. The empirical data is collected through qualitative interviews with involved network actors as well as the network leader, and focus is on their perceptions of the partnership's role and challenges with the collaborative governance. The findings of the study demonstrate the complexity of a multi-organisation partnership as well as the challenges to manage it. The results suggest that the partnership's practice of meta-governance do not live up to the definition presented by the theorists, due to a weak political accountability, and the network actors' governing are therefore left to be determined by their intentions. However, if their intentions are good, the network has the potential to create a well-functioning and committed local democracy with an effective decision-making process with less bureaucracy. Of importance for the discipline of urban studies, the identified aspects of diverging interests and the partnership's weak bond with public deliberation, BIDs as a way of managing space should be questioned in ways of who's interest is taken into consideration in the planning and development of our public spaces.