European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

<p>The polar ice in the Arctic is melting resulting in new opportunities for the Arctic states to extracting vital resources and to find new shorter transport routes. Two of the largest actors who both presently have published polices towards the Arctic region is the EU and the US. This work firstly aims to offer a descriptive view of the EU and the US’ polices towards the Arctic region. Secondly, investigate the documents quantitatively and qualitatively to show weather the EU and US policies are featured by ‘hard power’ or ‘soft power’ by the research of Joseph S. Nye Jr. to find out if Robert Kagan’s hypotheses that the EU mainly use ‘soft power’ and that the US mainly use ‘hard power’. The findings showed that Kagan in this case was right about the EU and the use of ‘soft power’ but that the US mainly uses ‘soft power’ politics in their Arctic policy.</p>

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

The aim of this paper is to get a deeper understanding if research about international relations has any practical meaning. The main focal point is about the importance of the scholar idea soft power, and its meaning on foreign policy actions through expressions. A quantity and quality method is used. The point of the main theory that concerns international relations takes a rationalistic perspective, and expands it to the notion that ides can have an impact on policy outcomes. Three different types of research utilization can be traced to determine in which way an idea is getting implemented. Why certain ideas can be used lies in the foreign policy preferences with the political institutions and its policymakers. In the last ten years, policymaking preferences in the USA, Great Britain and Sweden have shifted due to change of governments, challenges by expanding institutions as the European Union (EU) and terror alerts. Soft power is an upcoming idea that can be traced in the countries policies. In conclusion, the concept is expressed in the political agendas on the margins. For the American and the British policy the importance with the idea seems to be utilized for mediation for the retention and the legitimating of there existing policies regarding hard power. The main purpose with the idea for Sweden seems to be the utilization for guidance to promote EU: s ability to act as a prominent actor in international relations. The idea is, acts and expressed foremost as a positive symbol for the countries, rather than a ground-breaking new idea that changes policies. Due to is variables already exist in the policymaking processes.

The European Union have since the signing of the Rome treaty in 1957, come to be a new superpower in the world, spreading the word of soft power through the economic and democratic cooperation in the pan-European continent. The theory of soft and hard power and the theory of diffusion of innovations illuminate how the European Union has been able to increase their influence and gain power in the world, as it has become the largest economy in the world. Through this soft power focus, the European Union has been able to grow and to act as a model for success as it attracts other parts of the world by the positive messages of cooperation and economic integration. This should be seen in a time when the US has increasingly acted unilateral in their foreign policy and experienced increasing legitimacy problems on the global scale. The understanding of the development of the European Union to its contemporary magnitude through the theory of soft and hard power and the diffusion of innovations, what I call cooptive enlargement, brings new light of how to understand its development and influence in the world. This theory could further be used to analyze and understand why and how other parts of the world create trade areas and Unions in their quest for future peace, democracy and economic development. The European Union has through this cooptive enlargement come to lay the foundation to a new world order, enabling all parts of the world to collide into a prosperous future of cooperation.

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第24026号 / 地博第305号 / 新制||地||118(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科グローバル地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 藤倉 達郎, 教授 D'SOUZA Rohan Ignatious, 教授 中溝 和弥, 准教授 池亀 彩 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

The aim of this essay was to examine what problems, causes and solutions three Swedish governments identified concerning three decisions of cooperation with NATO, and to understand these decisions with constructivism and hard and soft power as theoretical perspectives. The first was the decision to join Partnership for Peace in 1994. The second decision was to join the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council in 1997. The third decision was to join a host nation support with NATO in 2016. The analysis showed that problems regarding PfP was an unpredictable security situation, caused by the fall of the Soviet Union. This gave rise to new conflicts, e.g. the conflict in Yugoslavia. Russia was identified as a problem also regarding the EAPC, caused by a Russian superpower identity. Problems identified before joining the HNS was that Russia was aggressive and annexed the Ukrainian peninsula Crimea in 2014. This was caused by the Russian leadership prioritizing the defence sector. The identified problems and causes can be understood with the theory of hard power, since the Russian hard power resources are wielded both within and outside of Russia. Constructivism is useful to understand what solutions the governments proposed, since they often express an ambition to build a common identity, while keeping the Swedish identity as non-aligned. Also, soft power resources made the alliance more attractive for the Swedish governments.

The polar ice in the Arctic is melting resulting in new opportunities for the Arctic states to extracting vital resources and to find new shorter transport routes. Two of the largest actors who both presently have published polices towards the Arctic region is the EU and the US. This work firstly aims to offer a descriptive view of the EU and the US’ polices towards the Arctic region. Secondly, investigate the documents quantitatively and qualitatively to show weather the EU and US policies are featured by ‘hard power’ or ‘soft power’ by the research of Joseph S. Nye Jr. to find out if Robert Kagan’s hypotheses that the EU mainly use ‘soft power’ and that the US mainly use ‘hard power’. The findings showed that Kagan in this case was right about the EU and the use of ‘soft power’ but that the US mainly uses ‘soft power’ politics in their Arctic policy.

This thesis examines India’s exercise of its powers that it utilizes in its foreign policy on the international arena. The aim of the study is to determine what international power India can be classified as, and whether it achieves the goals of either being a great- or superpower. This is done by analysing not only the conventional concept of power, that being the hard power concept, but also the relatively newly conceived concept of soft power, originally conceived by the American political scientist Joseph Nye in the 1990s. Therefore, the research methodology is comprised of a theory consuming case study. The following question is being asked: What kind of international power is India? The conclusions being presented illustrate a foreign policy limited in its scope of influence, plagued mostly by institutional impediments due to limited budgets and thus limited resources in both concepts of power. Consequently, India cannot be classified either as a superpower nor a greatpower, but more as a regional one.