<p>The aim of this thesis is to analyse and problematize the concept of culture and its changes during the 1960s. By examining articles out of the periodical Ord&Bild 1962-1972, I show how an aesthetically marked concept, closely related to the concept of art, changes into an anthropological perspective where attention is drawn to the social, economical, political and ideological aspects. This change is viewed in relation to the works of three prominent cultural theorists from the 1960s: Raymond Williams, Marshall McLuhan and Herbert Marcuse.</p><p>The change that the concept of culture undergoes can be illuminated in several ways. Epistemologically questions of art, its objectivity and relation to reality, are replaced by questions of the function of art and of its role as reproducing ideas and norms of a bourgeois society. Economical and social aspects are used as critical factors in discussing the role and conception of culture, a perspective that gives the discussion a political and ideological edge. Another related track of change is that attention is brought to the relationship between culture as norms and values and culture as art, also known as “high culture”. This means that the idea of an universal culture is criticized for its excluding tendencies. By the end of the decade, the concept of culture has lost its universal meaning and is, among other things, used to endorse and emphasize a specific identity. Culture is key concept in a critical discussion about society and is also seen as a way of changing this society. Culture can then be viewed as a “concept of struggle”.</p><p>The change that the concept of culture goes through is related to changes in the society as a whole, as well as to underlying ideas and visions about the society. The change must not be understood as a consequence of the political escalation during the 1960s, but is to be seen as a development parallel to this radicalization of society.</p>

This paper concerns the ideas on society, policies and economic thoughts on Ireland before the cataclysmal famine of the 1840s. Senior, classified as one of the classical economists, elaborated these in the period 1829 – 1836, thus during the period of Parliamentary reform. As a trusted counsellor of the Whig governments, Senior advocated measures opposite to the common notions of laissez-faire. His basic ideas are contrasted to those of Malthus concerning economics and, in particular, the population doctrine that Senior never believed in and in its crudest form refuted. Senior regarded Malthus’ doctrine as devastating to governmental policies. Senior wanted an efficient and strong government. Moreover, Senior evolved ideas, in fact a strategy, for raising Ireland out of her common destitution instead of institutionalizing poor laws. This strategy embraced Catholic emancipation, education, public investments in infrastructure and emigration. His ideas, and proposals akin to Senior’s, are related to the political discourse of the day, which took a more common view of laissez-faire during the period considered. Nevertheless, there is consistency in his ideas on government, public investments and laissez-faire. Senior cannot be described as anything other than an early liberal and a classical economist and, hence, an advocator of economic laissez-faire. This paper underlines the need for a clear distinction between economic laissez-faire as a concept and the concept of political laissez-faire, whereas the former concerns thoughts on economics and the latter is related to the notion of the impassivity of the period of today’s discourse.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse and problematize the concept of culture and its changes during the 1960s. By examining articles out of the periodical Ord&amp;Bild 1962-1972, I show how an aesthetically marked concept, closely related to the concept of art, changes into an anthropological perspective where attention is drawn to the social, economical, political and ideological aspects. This change is viewed in relation to the works of three prominent cultural theorists from the 1960s: Raymond Williams, Marshall McLuhan and Herbert Marcuse. The change that the concept of culture undergoes can be illuminated in several ways. Epistemologically questions of art, its objectivity and relation to reality, are replaced by questions of the function of art and of its role as reproducing ideas and norms of a bourgeois society. Economical and social aspects are used as critical factors in discussing the role and conception of culture, a perspective that gives the discussion a political and ideological edge. Another related track of change is that attention is brought to the relationship between culture as norms and values and culture as art, also known as “high culture”. This means that the idea of an universal culture is criticized for its excluding tendencies. By the end of the decade, the concept of culture has lost its universal meaning and is, among other things, used to endorse and emphasize a specific identity. Culture is key concept in a critical discussion about society and is also seen as a way of changing this society. Culture can then be viewed as a “concept of struggle”. The change that the concept of culture goes through is related to changes in the society as a whole, as well as to underlying ideas and visions about the society. The change must not be understood as a consequence of the political escalation during the 1960s, but is to be seen as a development parallel to this radicalization of society.

This thesis presents an analysis of Edmund Burke's place in intellectual history by examining his commentary on the French Revolution as well as his role in the Enlightenment itself. In doing so, it brings to bear the previously unexplored ideas of the twentieth-century historian Roy Porter. The thesis proposes that Burke's indictment of French philosophy as the cause of the French Revolution created enduring historiographic connotations between radicalism and the notion of enlightenment. Consequently, British thinkers of the eighteenth-century were invariably dismissed as conservative or reactionary and therefore unworthy to be regarded as enlightened figures. Porter's reconsideration of the British Enlightenment reveals Burke to be a staunch defender of hard-won enlightened values which British society had already long enjoyed.<p>The source material is, for the most part, primary. For Edmund Burke, his correspondence and his Reflections on the Revolution in France. For Roy Porter, his most relevant essays, journal articles and monographs.

This thesis presents an analysis of Edmund Burke's place in intellectual history by examining his commentary on the French Revolution as well as his role in the Enlightenment itself. In doing so, it brings to bear the previously unexplored ideas of the twentieth-century historian Roy Porter. The thesis proposes that Burke's indictment of French philosophy as the cause of the French Revolution created enduring historiographic connotations between radicalism and the notion of enlightenment. Consequently, British thinkers of the eighteenth-century were invariably dismissed as conservative or reactionary and therefore unworthy to be regarded as enlightened figures. Porter's reconsideration of the British Enlightenment reveals Burke to be a staunch defender of hard-won enlightened values which British society had already long enjoyed.<p>The source material is, for the most part, primary. For Edmund Burke, his correspondence and his Reflections on the Revolution in France. For Roy Porter, his most relevant essays, journal articles and monographs.

Disertacijoje rekonstruojama modernios politinės minties raida Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniu analizės objektu siekiant šio tikslo tampa valstybės sąvoka, kuri sintezuoja ir iš politinės teorijos perspektyvos leidžia interpretuoti ją vartojančių intelektualų prielaidas apie asmens, visuomenės ir pačios politijos (bendriausia sąvoka nusakanti politinę tvarką) prigimtį. Analizė atliekama pasitelkiant ir derinant tris intelektualinės istorijos mokyklas: idėjų istoriją, sąvokų istoriją ir politiškumo istoriją. Disertacijoje parodoma, kad valstybės sąvokos atsiradimas XIX a. pr. ir įsitvirtinimas lietuvių kalboje bei politinėje mintyje yra neatsiejamos nuo modernių politinių paradigmų sklaidos. XIX a. pab. vykęs tautinis atgimimas taip pat skatino lietuviškų politinių sąvokų kūrimą, kurios leistų naujai apibūdinti politiją kaip abstraktų ir suverenų socialinį darinį. Per visą XX a. vykusi sąvokos ideologizacija – skirtingas vartojimas konkuruojantiems ideologiniams projektams pagrįsti – leidžia išskirti keletą Lietuvos visuomenei būdingų santykio su valstybe modelių. Tarpukariu labiausiai išryškėjo organiškas, tautininkiškas, demokratinis-legalistinis ir marksistinis-ekonomistinis valstybės konceptualizavimo būdai. Po II-ojo pasaulinio karo Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas marksistinis ir legalistinis valstybės apibrėžimo modelis, kai tuo tarpu išeivijoje buvo plėtojama organiškoji ir įdiegta liberalioji valstybės koncepcija. / This dissertation seeks to reconstruct the development of the modern Lithuanian political thought. The main object of the analysis for achieving this goal is the concept of the state (Lith. valstybė). It serves as a synthetic concept and helps to interpret the utterances of the important Lithuanian intellectuals about the person, society and polity as such from the standpoint of political theory. Analysis is done by combining three schools of intellectual history: history of ideas, conceptual history and history of the political. The dissertation shows that the genesis of the concept of the state since the beginning of the 19th century and its embedding in the modern political language and thought cannnot be separated from the development of a modern political paradigm. The national awakening at the end of the 19th century also led to the creation of new political concepts, which helped to define the polity as an abstract and sovereign entity. The ideologization of the concept (different usage of it in order to provide the basis for competing ideological projects) enables to distinguish several different attitudes towards the state specific for the Lithuanian political culture. During the Interbellum period it is possible to indicate four main modes to conceptualize the state: organic, nationalistic, democratic-legalistic and Marxist-economistic. After the Second World War Marxist and legalistic conceptualization of the state became the dominant ones in Lithuania, and the... [to full text]

This dissertation seeks to reconstruct the development of the modern Lithuanian political thought. The main object of the analysis for achieving this goal is the concept of the state (Lith. valstybė). It serves as a synthetic concept and helps to interpret the utterances of the important Lithuanian intellectuals about the person, society and polity as such from the standpoint of political theory. Analysis is done by combining three schools of intellectual history: history of ideas, conceptual history and history of the political. The dissertation shows that the genesis of the concept of the state since the beginning of the 19th century and its embedding in the modern political language and thought cannnot be separated from the development of a modern political paradigm. The national awakening at the end of the 19th century also led to the creation of new political concepts, which helped to define the polity as an abstract and sovereign entity. The ideologization of the concept (different usage of it in order to provide the basis for competing ideological projects) enables to distinguish several different attitudes towards the state specific for the Lithuanian political culture. During the Interbellum period it is possible to indicate four main modes to conceptualize the state: organic, nationalistic, democratic-legalistic and Marxist-economistic. After the Second World War Marxist and legalistic conceptualization of the state became the dominant ones in Lithuania, and the... [to full text] / Disertacijoje rekonstruojama modernios politinės minties raida Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniu analizės objektu siekiant šio tikslo tampa valstybės sąvoka, kuri sintezuoja ir iš politinės teorijos perspektyvos leidžia interpretuoti ją vartojančių intelektualų prielaidas apie asmens, visuomenės ir pačios politijos (bendriausia sąvoka nusakanti politinę tvarką) prigimtį. Analizė atliekama pasitelkiant ir derinant tris intelektualinės istorijos mokyklas: idėjų istoriją, sąvokų istoriją ir politiškumo istoriją. Disertacijoje parodoma, kad valstybės sąvokos atsiradimas XIX a. pr. ir įsitvirtinimas lietuvių kalboje bei politinėje mintyje yra neatsiejamos nuo modernių politinių paradigmų sklaidos. XIX a. pab. vykęs tautinis atgimimas taip pat skatino lietuviškų politinių sąvokų kūrimą, kurios leistų naujai apibūdinti politiją kaip abstraktų ir suverenų socialinį darinį. Per visą XX a. vykusi sąvokos ideologizacija – skirtingas vartojimas konkuruojantiems ideologiniams projektams pagrįsti – leidžia išskirti keletą Lietuvos visuomenei būdingų santykio su valstybe modelių. Tarpukariu labiausiai išryškėjo organiškas, tautininkiškas, demokratinis-legalistinis ir marksistinis-ekonomistinis valstybės konceptualizavimo būdai. Po II-ojo pasaulinio karo Lietuvoje buvo įtvirtintas marksistinis ir legalistinis valstybės apibrėžimo modelis, kai tuo tarpu išeivijoje buvo plėtojama organiškoji ir įdiegta liberalioji valstybės koncepcija.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

This dissertation begins with the hypothesis that sacred places and their stories are connected in complex ways. This refers to place-based sacred places; that is, places which gain their sacred qualities from their natural environment. The two main examples used are both located in the U.K.: Puzzlewood and the Forest of Dean, and Stonehenge. It is further theorized that the stories within these places are repositories of an ancient wisdom; a memory of what it means to live with a sense of the divine in nature. Paying attention to those stories, and to the presences found in these places, may engender a greater appreciation of the interconnectedness of the human world to the natural world and the sacred in nature. Thus an ethic of care for that storied place may develop, and a more harmonious relationship between people and the larger environment may come about. Such an ethic of care may be central in finding solutions to current environmental problems, and preventing future ones. Thus a new story about our relationship with the Earth, based on ancient wisdom, may become the conduit for a kinder, gentler future, where peace, social justice, and environmental care inform both cultural paradigms and individual worldviews. This fusion of stories, the sacred, and the sacred in nature as a way towards self-realization, the development of an ethic of care, and the vision a more harmonious future, is the unique contribution of this dissertation. Bringing together these diverse strands required a multidisciplinary approach with multiple methodologies, particularly phenomenology to account for experiences in or of sacred places, and hermeneutics to address the stories. In addition, there was a need to include some of the basics of system theory to explore both natural and social systems, and for philosophical inquiry to discuss spirituality and cosmology. Other elements of this dissertation include a background of the ways in which history is presented, how this contributes to the paradigms and worldviews found in the modern Western world, and how those paradigms affect thinking about sacredness in nature, as well as a discussion of why stories are central to all of our lives, and how places come to be imbued with stories. All of this is then set within a framework of the principles of the deep ecology movement. To bring all this together with a cohesive collection of methods, the concentric circles model was created and is explained. Additionally, this dissertation presents five criteria that could prove useful in assessing sacredness in place when such sacred sites are contested, as happens quite often. This too may help to protect (care for) these places. / Graduate / 0422 / 0322 / michelleabeauchamp@gmail.com

Submitted by Abraão Pustrelo Damião null (dirceudamiao@hotmail.com) on 2018-01-04T14:33:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A CONSTRUÇÃO HISTÓRICO-SOCIAL DA MODERNIDADE E DA(S) PÓS-MODERNIDADE(S)-RUPTURAS E RESISTÊNCIAS DO DISCURSO MODERNO.pdf: 1971212 bytes, checksum: 0e79d3b60635ddb5f8e8c468469d4292 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Telma Jaqueline Dias Silveira null (telmasbl@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-01-05T13:46:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 damiao_ap_dr_mar.pdf: 1840456 bytes, checksum: f8d0fd919949e1b47d8ce64141576321 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-05T13:46:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 damiao_ap_dr_mar.pdf: 1840456 bytes, checksum: f8d0fd919949e1b47d8ce64141576321 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-13 / Este trabalho busca demonstrar as rupturas e resistências encontradas pelas novas correntes epistemológicas, nomeadamente a pós-moderna e seus correlativos neologismos, no que se refere ao questionamento das correntes epistemológicas modernas. Neste sentido, o objetivo geral do trabalho é apresentar as ideias que criaram o panorama histórico-social e epistemológico responsável por um determinado tipo de pensamento social, utilizado para compreender a sociedade moderna e seus valores, para, em seguida, apontar as novas ideias que transformaram o panorama da modernidade “clássica” e exigem, atualmente, novos discursos explicativos. Para tanto, e metodologicamente, faz-se um levantamento bibliográfico acerca da história e das práticas epistemológicas que usualmente creditamos à construção social da modernidade e, desde o último século, a sua provável superação, a pós-modernidade. Com isso, este trabalho visa contribuir para a distinção e esclarecimento das mudanças socioculturais e epistemológicas responsáveis pelo juízo que o indivíduo moderno criou de si mesmo e da sociedade, comparativamente, com a perspectiva que o sujeito contemporâneo atribui a sua identidade e relações sociais. O valor desta pesquisa, portanto, reside na possibilidade de confrontação, através de uma minuciosa análise bibliográfica e comparação histórica, de quais ideias e práticas sociais se tornaram mais numerosas, quais perderam força e quais emergiram na contemporaneidade, desafiando os preceitos vigentes dentro das ciências sociais. Sobretudo para defender que o projeto moderno de emancipação e regulamentação da vida social ainda é valido e que o motivo de seu questionamento está na sobreposição do desenvolvimento capitalista e da razão instrumental e técnica sobre os paradigmas da ação política democrática e da cultura emancipatória propostas pelos primeiros modernos. / This work aims to demonstrate the ruptures and resistances encountered by the new epistemological currents, namely postmodernity and its correlative neologisms concerning the investigation of the modern epistemological currents. In this sense, the general objective of this thesis is to present the ideas that created the historical, social and epistemological theories responsible for a certain type of social thought used to understand modern society and its values. This thesis will then highlight the new ideas that have transformed the outlook of “classical” modernity which now demands original and explanatory discourses. For this reason, and methodologically, a bibliographical survey of the historic and epistemological practices, that we usually credit to the social construction of modernity and its probable overcoming, postmodernity, is conducted. Thus, this work also seeks to contribute to the explanation of the socio-cultural and epistemological distinctions and changes responsible for the judgement that the modern individual has of himself and society, compared with the perspective that the contemporary subject attributes to his identity and social relationships. Thus, through a systematic bibliographical analyze and historical comparison, the value of this research lies in the possibility of confrontation between social ideas and practices which have become more common, which have lost their influence or which have emerged in contemporaneity, defying the precepts prevailing within the social science´s policies. Above all, to defend that the modern project of emancipation and regulation of social life is still valid and that the reason for its questioning lies in the overlap of capitalist development and instrumental and technical reason over the paradigms of democratic political action and emancipatory culture proposed by the first moderns.