Considerando a atual situação dos povos indígenas no Brasil e a necessidade de se inserir no Direito a proposta de diálogo intercultural, na presente pesquisa tem-se como objetivo situar o Direito como fruto de discursos históricos e políticos decorrentes de influências de algumas correntes antropológicas e filosóficas que tomaram o outro como sujeito de pesquisa e, a partir dessa análise, identificar as necessidades e vias possíveis para a implementação do diálogo intercultural enquanto processo discursivo simétrico de construção de consensos. / Considering the current situation of the indigenous peoples in Brazil and the need to introduce in the Science of Law the proposal of intercultural dialogue, this research aims to identify the Science of Law as a result of certain historical and political discourses arising from the anthropological and philosophical studies that took the other as a research subject and, from this analysis, to identify possible ways and needs for the implementation of the intercultural dialogue as a discursive symmetric process to building consensus.

Esta pesquisa visa compreender alguns aspectos do processo de integração de grupos imigrantes, focando nas políticas de nível municipal para garantir os direitos dos imigrantes e para promover a estima social desses grupos, e analisando seus impactos na integração das populações imigrantes. Sob esse ponto de vista, interessa-me observar como o Estado se organiza para integrar os diversos grupos imigrantes, assim como para mediar o relacionamento entre esses e outros grupos sociais. Entendo que essa forma de organização é estruturada pelas percepções sociais sobre imigração e, por sua vez, tem um valor estruturante sobre essas próprias percepções. Nesta pesquisa, realizo um trabalho de sistematização das políticas públicas voltadas para imigrantes na Bélgica e no Brasil e relaciono-as com a integração dos grupos imigrantes. Proponho uma análise da legislação e da regulamentação de entrada, permanência e saída de pessoas de cada país para verificar a situação de populações imigrantes nos dois países. Similarmente, proponho analisar políticas públicas municipais em suas duas maiores cidades (Bruxelas e São Paulo), especialmente aquelas voltadas para os grupos imigrantes (políticas para imigrantes recém-chegados e de participação política, por exemplo), a fim de identificar diferentes iniciativas governamentais para o reconhecimento legal e para a promoção de estima social positiva para as populações imigrantes. / This research aims at understanding and shedding light over some aspects of the immigrant integration process, focusing on the policies developed at local level to guarantee the rights of immigrants and to promote their social esteem, verifying the impact of those two elements in their integration. From this point of view, I observed how a government organises itself to integrate the different immigrant groups, as well as, to mediate the relationship between these groups and other social groups. I argue that this organisation is structured by social perceptions over immigration and, by its turn, exercises a structuring force on the social perceptions. For this research, I worked at the systematization of public policies focused at immigrants in Belgium and Brazil and search for a relationship with the integration of immigrant groups. For this means, I analysed the legislation for entry, permanence and exit in each country to verify the situation of migrant populations in these countries. Similarly, I analysed public policies aimed at immigrant groups (e. g. reception of recently arrived immigrants or political participation policies) to identify different government initiatives for the legal recognition of migrants and the promotion of social esteem for these population. I chose to analyse the immigration and integration policies that are organised by the local and regional authorities in the cities with the biggest migrant communities in both countries, Brussels and São Paulo.

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Introdução Historicamente, em razão da reprodução ocorrer nos corpos das mulheres, elas ficaram restritas à esfera doméstica. Apesar das mudanças ocorridas, especialmente em razão da entrada maciça de mulheres no mercado de trabalho, a dimensão social da reprodução, ou seja, o trabalho do cuidado, é ainda hoje realizado majoritariamente por elas, fazendo com que sejam discriminadas tendo, assim, restrito o exercício de seus direitos humanos. Objetivo O objetivo principal deste estudo foi verificar a pertinência de se propor o reconhecimento de uma nova categoria de direitos para mulheres que são mães, que quando garantidos, oferecem o suporte social necessário para o exercício da maternidade. Método - Trata-se de estudo empírico de natureza qualitativa, realizado com jovens mães acolhidas juntamente com seus filhos em uma instituição privada, sem fins lucrativos, cuja missão é resgatar a cidadania e desenvolver a auto-estima de jovens mães em situação de vulnerabilidade. Após a aprovação pelo Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa, foi feita uma observação etnográfica da instituição. Posteriormente, foram realizadas oito entrevistas semi-estruturadas com as jovens mães residentes e analisados documentos institucionais. Os dados foram analisados a partir da construção de categorias a priori bem como a posteriori e interpretados à luz do referencial teórico adotado. Resultados - A análise documental do Direito descreve os direitos humanos das mulheres previstos na normativa nacional e internacional, bem como as teorias críticas feministas do Direito. Os resultados da pesquisa empírica, por sua vez, indicam que a instituição, apesar de algumas limitações, é capaz de, por um lado, oferecer às jovens mães o suporte social necessário ao exercício da maternidade e, de outro, romper o ciclo vicioso de miséria, vulnerabilidade e violência a que as jovens estavam submetidas antes do acolhimento. Conclusões A análise dos resultados permite que se proponha uma nova categoria de direitos humanos denominada direitos maternos que são compostos pelos direitos reprodutivos, direito à habitação, direito ao trabalho e à renda, e por fim, direitos sexuais que, em articulação, asseguram o exercício da maternidade de forma digna, promovendo assim a igualdade de gênero e não-discriminação das mulheres / Introduction Historically, the fact that reproduction occurs in the body of women justified their restriction in the domestic sphere. Despite the changes in recent decades, especially due to the massive entry of women into the labor market, they are still responsible for the work of care, which is the social dimension of reproduction. They are, for that reason, discriminated and have the exercise of their human rights limited. Objectives - The main objective of this study was to assess the pertinence of proposing the recognition of a new category of rights for women who are mothers, able to provide the social support necessary for motherhood. Methods - This is a qualitative empirical study, conducted with young mothers with their children, who live in a private, nonprofit institution, whose mission is to recover the citizenship and to rebuild the selfesteem of young mothers living in extremely vulnerable situations. After the approval of the research project by the Commission for Ethical Research, an ethnographic observation was conducted in the institution. Eight semi-structured interviews were done with the young women and institutional documents were verified. Data were analyzed in view of a set of a priori and a posteriori categories, which were interpreted in the light of the theoretical framework adopted. Results The documental analysis of the Law describe the human rights of women established in national and international regulations, as well as feminist critical theories of law. The results of the empirical research, by its turn, indicate that the institution, despite some limitations, offers the necessary social support for motherhood and is capable of breaking the vicious cycle of poverty, vulnerability and violence that young women experienced in their lives. Conclusions - The analysis of results allows the proposition of a new category of human rights, hereby called \'maternal rights\', which are composed of reproductive rights, housing rights, right to work and to income and, finally, sexual rights. Together, once guaranteed, they can ensure that the experience of motherhood will be lived with dignity, thereby promoting gender equality and non-discrimination against women

This thesis is the first major study of the UK Supreme Court’s use of jurisprudence from foreign domestic courts in human rights cases. It contributes to the debate on judicial comparitivism by asking when, how and why the Supreme Court uses foreign jurisprudence, as well as whether the Court should be making greater use of it. The research findings are drawn from quantitative and qualitative analysis of judgments handed down by the Supreme Court during its first four years (2009-2013). These are supported by evidence obtained through interviews with ten Justices of the Supreme Court, one Lord Justice of Appeal and the eight Supreme Court Judicial Assistants. In the absence of legislative guidance, the use of foreign jurisprudence is neither consistent nor systematic. Different Justices use foreign jurisprudence to different degrees and for different reasons. The main use of foreign jurisprudence is as a heuristic device: it provides the Justices with a different analytical lens through which to reflect on their own reasoning about a problem. Some Justices also use foreign jurisprudence when interpreting a common legislative scheme and to support their conclusions. As a result, the Justices use foreign jurisprudence differently according to the audience to whom their reasons are addressed. Thus foreign jurisprudence can assist the Supreme Court to enter into dialogue with the Strasbourg Court. However, this thesis does not support theories of transjudicial dialogue with other domestic courts; the evidence does not indicate that the Supreme Court considers itself to be part of global conversation. Further, the use of foreign jurisprudence is limited by practical barriers including, but not restricted to, time pressures, the availability of comparative resources and the greater use of plurality style judgments. These barriers are worth addressing if the Supreme Court is to fully utilise the heuristic value of foreign jurisprudence.

Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.

This thesis is a socio-legal study of the politics of international law (i.e. the relationship between international law and international politics). There is not necessarily an accepted scope, or even direction, of this relationship but it is widely perceived to be important in international, as well as national, affairs. Still, this relationship needs to be better understood and articulated. This thesis offers a theoretical and empirical account of the phenomenon of the politics of international law, and its implications for the Chechen conflict by exploring how and to what extent one's understanding of the phenomenon is determined by culture, history, political and social context. Part One is an overview of the literature and theoretical approaches to studying the relationship between (international) law and (international) politics, as well as an analysis of sixteen face-to-face semi-structured interviews with practitioners of international law and international politics from different backgrounds and cultures. That leads to a theoretical model which is applied and verified in Part Two, a case study of the Chechen conflict. This focuses specifically on a socio-historical understanding of international law, the humanitarian and human rights movement in Russia, and the relationship between human rights law and international humanitarian law in the judgements of the European Court of Human Rights in the so-called Chechen cases. The findings of this study indicate that international politics is highly influenced by international law just as international law is affected by international politics. They both are integral parts of the international system, nevertheless, remain distinct from each other. It is therefore the politics of international law that allows international relations to take place, where politics provides the means by which the negotiations can take place and law creates specific language and provides a framework within which the debates can take place. It demonstrates that the challenges of modern times make that the two become increasingly influential on one another.

Doctor Legum - LLD / The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Right (the Court) is the most recent of the three regional Human Rights Bodies. Envisioned by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right, its structures was not planned until the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) promulgated a protocol for its creation in 1998. The Court complements the protective mandate of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (‘The Commission’) and the Court has the competence to take final and binding decisions on human rights violations. Unlike its European and inter-American versions where their courts are integral parts of the cardinal instrument of the system ab initio, the establishment of the African Court was merely an afterthought. At the initial, protection of rights rested solely with the Commission upon African justice system which emphasises reconciliation as it is non-confrontational method of settlements of. The Commission is a quasi-judicial body modelled after the United Nations Human Right Committee without binding powers and with only limited functions covering examination of State reports, communications alleging violations and interpreting the Charter at the request of a State, the OAU or any organisation recognised by the OAU. The thesis answers the question whether the adoption of the African Court means that the African model of enforcing human rights has failed or whether having the Court constitute a concession to the triumph of the western model of law enforcement. The imperative of the 30th Ordinary Session of the OAU in 1994 where the creation of an African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights was viewed as the best way of protecting human rights across the region would be treated. The relevance of such an examination is highlighted by the fact that the African Charter did not make any provision for the establishment of a Court to enforce the rights guaranteed thereunder. If we are to assume that justice by reconciliation has failed and should be replaced by or complimented with justice by adjudication as the primary means of conflict resolution, what guarantees are there that the latter form of justice will not also fail? This thesis therefore will critically evaluate the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and assessed its potential impact on the African human rights system. It will also probe the power of the Court and see whether a clear and mutually reinforcing division of labour between it and the African Commission can be developed to promote and protect human rights on the continent. This research brings to focus an area that requires attention if the African human rights regime is to be effective. It put to test the criticism against the African Charter and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and also identified the present existing flaws in the African regional system. Furthermore, it ascertained whether or not, given the availability of other options, a regional Court is, in fact, the ideal mechanism for the protection of human rights in Africa.

This dissertation explores when, how, and why accountability is provided for mass atrocities. It asks why post-atrocity governments often put in place institutions that superficially resemble accountability mechanisms but lack the capacity to deliver justice. It theorizes the creation of these institutions as an example of a broader pattern in human rights behavior, called “quasi-compliance” and argues that the uneven enforcement of human rights norms incentivizes states to gamble on doing just enough to escape penalty. The theory is tested on an original cross-national dataset of mass atrocities committed between 1970 and 2014 and finds that the characteristics of post-atrocity governments that deliver justice and those that create quasi-compliant accountability institutions are very different. While robust trials and truth commissions are only pursued when domestic politics favors it, quasi-compliant institutions are put in place to deflect international censure for failure to abide by the global accountability norm requiring criminal prosecutions for mass atrocities. The mechanisms underlying quasi-compliance are explored in two qualitative case studies, drawing on fieldwork in Sri Lanka and Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Durante a ditadura (1964-85), a Anistia Internacional ofereceu assistência a presos políticos brasileiros e ajudou a divulgar no exterior as denúncias de tortura perpetradas por agentes da repressão do regime militar brasileiro. Este trabalho se detém sobre a atuação da Anistia Internacional em relação ao Brasil durante o período da ditadura. A fim de entender como se deu essa atuação, buscou-se analisar o processo de formação da Anistia, seu modus operandi na investigação de denúncias de violações de direitos humanos, e identificar os seus princípios e diretrizes. No exame sobre a assistência a presos políticos brasileiros, foi possível observar uma flexibilização dos princípios de foco no indivíduo e não-violência, que eram considerados pela organização como constitutivos da sua atuação no plano internacional. Além disso, reuniu-se documentação que indica que a decisão da Anistia de intensificar a defesa de presos políticos brasileiros, verificada a partir de 1969, não foi motivada somente pelo agravamento de sua situação. Deveu-se também à reformulação estratégica posta em prática pela organização após a grave crise interna que a AI atravessou em 1967. A nova estratégia pressupunha avanços na profissionalização que previam a expansão das atividades da Anistia para além da Europa, o que permitiu uma reformulação de seu trabalho em relação à América Latina e ao Brasil, onde sua atuação havia permanecido tímida até 1969. / During the Brazilian dictatorship (1964-85), Amnesty International assisted political prisoners and helped to publicize charges of torture against agents of the military regimes repressive apparatus. This work focuses on the activities of Amnesty during the period of Brazil\'s dictatorship; analyzing its modus operandi, core principles and objectives. Through a specific examination of Amnesty\'s work on Brazilian political prisoners, it is possible to observe how Amnesty adapted its organizational principles such as non-violence and the focus on individual cases during this time. In 1967, Amnesty experienced a severe internal crisis, which prompted the organization to set a new strategy of professionalization. These changes enabled Amnesty to expand its activities beyond Europe to Latin America, including Brazil, where before 1969 its presence had been minimal. The research shows how Amnestys decision to increase its focus on Brazilian political prisoners from 1969 onwards was not only due to the worsening plight of these prisoners but also motivated by a new agenda in the organisation itself.