This thesis forms a report including human security and economic aspect experienced by three groups that are Radical right, Radical left, and the refugees. The examined theory is based on the securitisation of the EU sphere since the 2014/2015 refugee crisis and the Eurozone crisis. Economic perspective has a place in the public discourse inside the EU sphere, presenting moral dilemmas and political obligations of aiding the refugees in ethical scrutiny of human rights and human security.However, the de-radicalisation of the EU sphere deserves pointing attention to radicalised individuals and the reasons supporting both radicalisation and isolation. Therefore, human security assessment is made in three different groups to prioritise all the groups in the research: The refugees have participated with the presentatives of Radical right and Radical left ideology in the interviews. Data collected from the interviews and literature review include background information on the causes of the refugee movement, the EU-sphere migration process, and the organisations related to administrating and supporting the refugees and asylum-seeking process. The data of the research could be used by report makers, educators, and scholars.

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam built on the Nile has sparked conflicts for over twelve years now since it was first announced in 2009. But in 2020 when Ethiopia finally started to fill this behemoth of a dam hostilities ramped up between Egypt and Ethiopia. Because around 95% of Egypt's freshwater comes from the Nile and this dam is positioned upstreams of Egypt's vital water source. As such, Egypt did not take lightly to Ethiopia's challenge towards their historical water hegemony and responded with threats of violence and war. To further complicate this situation Egyp is facing an acute water shortage in 2025 and climate change will throw a wrench into the whole situation as droughts and floods will become more frequent as the world grows warmer. The empirical work of this thesis used a process-tracing approach to identify that realistic fears are driving Egypt to react with aggression and seek conflicts. However, Egypt's goal is to achieve cooperation and create a water-sharing agreement with Ethiopia. The problem is that Ethiopia does not want to give up their dam control and is satisfied with the status quo, while Egypt is striving to create a situation where they both have something to gain from cooperation. Be it through threatening to invade Ethiopia and blow the dam up or through their use of international institutions to force Ethiopia into cooperation. In the end, the conflict continues as no cooperation agreement has been signed.

This diploma thesis provides a fact-based examination of the relevance of assumptions concerning the relationship of human insecurity and the emergence of conflict. This is done with a quantitative analysis of cross-country data on human insecurity and conflict during the period of 1990 - 2010. The approach of the thesis steps beyond the prevailing discussions on human security focused on normative judgements on the nature, legitimacy or applicability of the concept. Through a statistical analysis, it challenges the use of uncontested and ungraspable, yet influential, narratives of human security that result in implementation of inadequately informed programs and policies aimed at prevention of conflict by the international community and other actors. The analysis finds that a random set of indicators of human security, rather than human security as a concept, are related to conflict emergence. As a result, the thesis suggests surpassing the preoccupation with the use and application of the concept and instead accentuates inductive approach to formulating evidence-based conflict-prevention programs inspired by the ideas of human security rather than reasoned by the concept of human security. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第18583号 / 工博第3944号 / 新制||工||1606(附属図書館) / 31483 / 京都大学大学院工学研究科建築学専攻 / (主査)教授 門内 輝行, 教授 髙田 光雄, 教授 神吉 紀世子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

This thesis explores the growing phenomenon of climate refugees and their right to protection. The aim is to investigate from the Human Security Approach developed by UNDP, if the human insecurities highlighted covers the situation of climate refugees making them eligible for protection. Thus, the purpose is to examine if insecurities caused by climate change are reason enough to be granted asylum in Sweden and if not, what the debate on extending asylum to climate refugees looks like. The research questions for this thesis are: What insecurities do the Swedish legislation consider grounds for granting asylum that could include the protection of climate refugees? and How do the debates in the Swedish Riksdag and the European Parliament discuss climate refugees and their legal status in Sweden's and the EU's asylum regulations? A qualitative content analysis of the Swedish Aliens Act and the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) revealed that even though all insecurities listed by the Human Security Approach are considered grounds for granting asylum, protection for climate refugees is not guaranteed. Consequently, debates in the Swedish and European Parliaments were examined to explore the intentions of extending the right to protection for climate refugees by including them in the legal framework. While the debates in the Swedish Parliament showed no indication of changing the legislation to include climate refugees, the European Parliament both debated and voted on proposals which sought to extend protection to climate refugees. Nonetheless, it is still not decided whether or not the EU will include climate refugees as a legal status in its asylum system.

Three main components represent the pillars of this research: Human Economic Security (HES), Islamic economics, and the Malaysian economy and policies addressing economic insecurities. HES is part of Human Security (HS), and both are presented in this research from the Islamic perspective to relate to both Islamic economics and Malaysia, the constitutionally Islamic country. To reach a conclusion regarding the subject, the researcher asks the question: "Can Malaysia actualize HES on the bases of equity and justice for all its citizens through enlarging and enhancing the performance of the Islamic Voluntary Economic Sector (IVES) institutions, specifically the redistributive institution of zakat?" The methodological approach of this research is basically a qualitative one. In the concluding chapter the researcher finds that Islamic economics could grow to become more social, more so through the growth of the IVES. However, a steady growth of the sector is not enough to actualize HES noticeably in Malaysian contexts. A more robust growth rate in the sector is conditional to decisive government interventions that favor the growth of the IVES. / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

The Northern region of Uganda has been plagued by violent conflict for over two decades. The Lord¿s Resistance Army (LRA) has been waging war against the current government of Uganda under the leadership of President Museveni. The Acholi community resident in the North of Uganda has been most affected by this war. In recent years however Northern Uganda has enjoyed relative calm following an agreement for the cessation of hostilities between the LRA and the government to allow for peace talks. Following the anticipated end of this conflict, the international community, the government and local organisations have engaged in a number of interventions and mechanisms that would assist in peace building. A fundamental intervention that has been formulated and administered to this end is the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programme for the ex-LRA combatants. The DDR process has had the sole objective of enabling formerly abducted children to transform their lives from violence into civility and community. It has been the premise that if this transformation were to occur then societies could be made peaceful. There has been growing support for these programmes but there has been very little analysis done of the utility of these programmes and the consequential impacts that these programmes have on the local indigenous communities. Though well intentioned, there is much work to be done to assess the utility and success of reintegration initiatives in granting the formerly abducted children and local populations¿ lifestyles that are reasonably free from fear and want. / John & Elnora Ferguson Trust

The thesis examines Canadian and Japanese human security assemblages. It aims to delve below stereotypical imageries ¿representing¿ these human security articulations. The concept of ¿human security¿ is not a starting point, but a result of elements, processes, structures and mechanisms which need to be investigated in order to reveal insights about a given articulation of human security. Each human security assemblage is composed of messy discourses and practices which are loosely related and sometimes even disconnected. Academics have frequently avoided studying the messiness of political discourses and practices and their mutual dependencies or their lack thereof. By contrast, this thesis ascertains what has lain beneath Canadian and Japanese spatio-temporal articulation of human security and establishes the kinds of structural terrain which have enabled, shaped, or blocked the unfolding of certain versions of human security. The pivotal contention of the thesis is that Canadian and Japanese articulations of human security have been different because they have grown from completely different domestic economies of power governing the relationship between the state apparatus and the non-profit and voluntary sector. While the Canadian human security assemblage has been shaped by transformations in the country¿s advanced liberal model of government, the Japanese has been shaped by the continuities of Japan¿s bureaucratic authoritarianism. A novel approach is employed for the related process-tracing: a general series linking structural conditions with actual articulations of the human security projects, and their further development, including analysis of their unintended consequences. / Grant Agency of the Czech Academy of Sciences, Japan Foundation/Government of Japan, International Council for Canadian Studies/Government of Canada, Jan Hus Foundation.

Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) programmes for ex-combatants have become an important component of many, if not most, post-conflict stabilisation, peace-building and recovery programmes over the 15 – 20 years. They are specifically focussed on ‘ex-combatants’, a category which for DDR purposes includes direct ex-combatants and those closely associated with them including spouses, ‘camp followers’ and dependents. The experience with DDR has provided many lessons. International standards and good-practice guidelines for DDR have become relatively highly elaborated in recent years. The UN Integrated Disarmament, Demobilisation and Re-Integration Standards (IDDRS) represent the fullest expression of this, composed of some 800 pages of detailed guidance to practitioners, as distilled by a special UN Inter-Agency Working Group and the work of dozens of international experts.1 Such standards are recently developed, and their adoption and usefulness has yet to be fully tested. One overall aim of this project is to critically examine the understandings informing such standards, and clarify how they may be revised or developed. It is clear that there are continuing problems in practice. For example, several recent UN-mandated DDR programmes have seriously struggled to establish an effective focus, and have in some cases had to be re-launched several times. Haiti and Southern Sudan provide two examples of this. Part of the problem is that DDR programmes are continuing to be mandated as if they can in themselves address much of a war-torn country’s post-conflict security building needs. In fact, DDR needs to be co-ordinated with a range of other post-conflict security building programmes, including Security Sector Reform (SSR), wider arms collection and management programmes, transitional justice, peace-building and reconciliation processes. DDR needs to be one of several peace and security-building programmes, all co-ordinated within the overall framework of a broad peace-building and recovery strategy and process.

The question regarding what makes child trafficking persistent in conflict and post-war settings has been subject to intense debate. The human trafficking literature makes general conclusions that trafficking is a by-product of civil wars, and in the process child traffickers exploit the breakdown of the rule of law. As such it is perceived that the governance of the problem of child trafficking can be effective whenever peace and stability is realised and when legal frameworks for protecting children are in place. Prompted by these assertions, I conducted a field study in South Sudan, a country emerging from one of Africa’s longest running and most brutal civil wars fought between the government in Khartoum and Sudanese Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The Sudan’s civil wars ended after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2005. Whilst the termination of the war raised expectations that the international anti-trafficking conventions, treaties and customary laws protecting children would have enforcement powers and would guarantee the rights and safety of the child, the peace failed to deliver on these expectations. Based on empirical data obtained through an intensive micro-level qualitative research conducted in South Sudan over three months, the research findings reveal that a number of challenges pose serious difficulties in enforcing international counter-trafficking legislations and child protection instruments. These challenges are compounded by the interplay of the emerging socio-economic and political development in the post-independent South Sudan.