This thesis studies the positions of the political groups in the European Parliament by examining the debates, focusing on the question of migration and more specifically on the policy of relocation of migrants. With the increasing number of people migrating into Europe, migration is an important question to study in the context of the European Union. The European Parliament consists of 200 different national parties composed in eight different political groups trying to agree upon common policies for legislation, which makes the political battle taken place in the Parliament even more interesting.    This thesis seeks to describe the positions of the groups within the Parliament by using dimensions and categories of state security vs. human security and EU-integration vs. state sovereignty. The study finds that a majority of the party groups in the Parliament emphasises further integration, however there is a more evident difference between seeing the issue of migration as a state security or a human security matter between the political groups. These findings are interesting, demonstrating that even in a sensitive issue as migration, related to states’ sovereignty, a majority seems to emphasise cooperation between states, indicating that further cooperation may be taken in other policy areas as well.    Key words: European Union, European Parliament, European integration, Migration, Security, Securitization, Human security, Human rights, State sovereignty, Dimension analysis.

A presente tese apresenta três artigos que demonstram através do histórico da segurança humana sua compreensão em de três pontos de vista: histórico, conceito e ferramenta de política externa. O primeiro artigo busca evidenciar que existe baixo nível de debate, diálogo e contribuição entre a agenda de desenvolvimento e segurança na construção da abordagem da segurança humana através do Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano (RDH) do Programa de Desenvolvimento das Nações Unidas (PNUD) de 1994 e do Relatório da Comissão Internacional sobre Intervenção e Soberania Estatal (CIISE) de 2001. Enquanto o segundo artigo realiza uma análise comparativa da segurança humana e da securitização à fim de demonstrar as diferenças e especificidades de ambos e procura demonstrar que apesar de existirem semelhanças entre os termos, e uma certa complementariedade, eles não são substituíveis. Já o terceiro aborda como e para quais interesses potências médias usam a segurança humana, através dos estudos de caso do Japão e Canadá a fim de demonstrar que estes beneficiam interesses próprios. / The present thesis presents three papers that displays through the history of human security its comprehension from three points of view: history, concept and foreign policy tool. The first paper seeks to demonstrate that there is a low level of debate, dialogue and contribution between the development and security agenda in the construction of the human security approach through the Human Development Report (HDR) of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) from 1994 and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) from 2001. While the second seeks to comparatively analyze human security and securitization to indicate differences and similarities and seeking to demonstrate that despite the similarities between the terms, and a certain complementarity, they are not replaceable. And lastly, the third one approaches how and to serve which interests middle powers use human security, through the case studies of Japan and Canada seeking to show rather they beneficiate self-interest.

Desde o começo dos anos 1990 é possível observar uma expansão contundente da estrutura internacional de ajuda humanitária. Por um lado, esta expansão resultou no crescimento histórico dos recursos financeiros, tecnológicos e humanos voltados para o provimento da ajuda, levando também ao aumento do tamanho e do número de organizações dedicadas a esta causa e do escopo de ação destas agências, principalmente em situações de pós-conflito. Por outro, este contexto também trouxe preocupações quanto a uma politização da ajuda, principalmente no cenário das \"novas guerras\" e das \"emergências complexas\" do pós-Guerra Fria, o que teria comprometido a independência e a neutralidade da prática humanitária nestas crises. A primeira década do século XXI acentuou estas percepções, com os Estados Unidos instrumentalizando tanto as agências quanto a prática humanitária em favor de seus interesses estratégicos na \"Guerra contra o Terror\". Esta dissertação procura analisar a politização da prática humanitária no pós-Guerra Fria, recuperando o desenvolvimento histórico do humanitarismo moderno e retomando alguns conceitos e discussões desenvolvidos durante a Guerra Fria, em especial o \"sem fronteirismo\" e o \"direito de ingerência humanitária\". Nossa proposta é observar como a politização foi percebida no nível das organizações humanitárias não-governamentais, como elas se alinharam ou se opuseram a uma leitura política de uma prática tradicionalmente vista como neutra, independente e imparcial. A hipótese deste trabalho é que houve uma convergência conceitual e prática entre boa parte destas agências e seus principais doadores, os governos, que resultou numa maior interação entre estes atores em situações de crise. No entanto, esta interação tem sido bastante problemática para as agências humanitárias: em cenários mais \"quentes\", como Afeganistão e Iraque, ela resultou numa associação entre interventores e humanitários, o que comprometeu a posição dos agentes humanitários nestas crises. Além disso, esta aproximação entre humanitarismo e política tem levantado uma discussão profunda sobre a natureza, os instrumentos e os objetivos da prática humanitária - que se desenvolve junto a outras crises, forçando os agentes a confrontar dilemas e desafios cada vez mais complexos, e com resultados humanitários cada vez mais imprevisíveis. / Since the early 1990s we can observe a striking expansion of the structure of international humanitarian aid. On the one hand, this expansion resulted in a historical growth of financial, technological and human resources toward the provision of aid, increasing the size and the number of organizations dedicated to this cause and the scope of action of these agencies, especially in post-conflict situations. On the other, this situation also brought concerns about the politicization of aid, especially in the scenario of \"new wars\" and \"complex emergencies\" in the post-Cold War, which would have compromised the independence and neutrality of humanitarian practice in these crises. The first decade of this century intensified these perceptions, with the United States using the practice and the agencies in favor of its strategic interests in the \"War on Terror.\" This dissertation analyzes the politicization of humanitarian practice in post-Cold War, recovering the historical development of modern humanitarianism and resuming some concepts and arguments developed during the Cold War, especially \"the without borderism\" and \"the right of humanitarian intervention.\" Our proposal is to observe how the politicization was perceived at the level of non-governmental humanitarian organizations, as they lined up or opposed to a political reading of a practice traditionally seen as neutral, independent and impartial. Our working hypothesis is that there was a conceptual and practical convergence between most of these agencies and their major donors, the governments, resulting in a greater interaction between these actors in crisis situations. However, this interaction has been very problematic for humanitarian agencies: in \"hot\" scenarios as Afghanistan and Iraq, it resulted in an association between humanitarians and interventionists, which undermined the position of aid workers in these crises. Moreover, this approach between humanitarianism and politics has raised a deep discussion about the nature, the objectives and the instruments of humanitarian practice - that develops along with other crises, forcing players to confront dilemmas and challenges increasingly complex, and results relief more unpredictable.

The shift to a human security perspective has put food security on the agenda in development cooperation. In this world private actors are increasing their presence and a larger amount of aid is channeled through these organizations. However, there are little studies made on private actors in development cooperation, especially NGOs. The purpose of this study is therefore to deal with the theoretical uncertainty of NGO assistance and develop existing theory in order to confirm or dismiss previous assumptions. Previous research stress that NGO-projects are adaptable i.e. ability to change and adjust to manage sudden challenges, such as conflict. To what extent are NGO-projects to be classified as having adaptable project structures, and how is that manifested in aid within the area of food security? An ideal type was set up to measure adaptability involving three indicators: flexible, responsive, and inclusive. The empirical material was collected through interviews with project staff and project reports. The projects showed higher levels of adaptability than expected, also when controlling for two other cases. An adaptable project is recognized by its decentralized decision-structure, flexible budget, quick response, and access to remote areas.

L'étude des relations internationales contemporaines montre l'implication croissante de la communauté internationale et plus particulièrement des organisations internationales dans la vie interne des états. Au nom de la nécessité d'atténuer les menaces à la sécurité et à la paix internationales, le bouclier, que représentait jadis la souveraineté étatique, se fissure peu à peu et les domaines réservés aux états s'étiolent. Instituées pour préserver la paix mais confrontées à de nouvelles formes de conflits, les Nations Unies ont adapté leurs actions afin d'assurer la protection des populations. La consolidation de la paix est devenue omniprésente et pour ce faire l'ONU opte parfois pour l'administration directe de territoires. L'administration internationale de territoires n'est cependant pas un phénomène créé par les Nations Unies, puisqu'il existe un régime de l'occupation. Dans le sillage de ces occupations, a été créé un régime censé favoriser le retour de la paix. D'abord étatique, la gestion internationale des territoires a évolué. Elle s'est peu à peu institutionnalisée. Il existe des règles dédiées à la gestion d'un territoire par une autorité qui n'en émane pas : il s'agit du droit de l'occupation. Il convenait dès lors dans notre étude de s'interroger sur ces règles et d'envisager la possibilité de les appliquer aux missions de consolidation de la paix, dès lors qu'elles participent à l'administration d'un territoire et tiennent en leur pouvoir la population civile. Nous nous sommes de plus attachés à porter un regard global sur l'institutionnalisation de ce processus, tout en gardant à l'esprit les règles qui gouvernent l'occupation des territoires / Study of contemporary international relations shows the increasing involvement of the international community and especially the international organizations in states'internal affairs. On behalf of the need to mitigate the threats to security and to international peace, the shield, which once represented the state sovereignty is gradually cracked and areas reserved to the states wither. Instituted to preserve peace but confronted with new forms of conflict, the United Nations have adapted their actions to protect the population. We first experienced the maintenance of peace missions and then operations to enforce peace have emerged. Finally, peacebuilding has become ubiquitous and the United Nations sometimes opts for the direct administration of territories. The international administration of territory however is not a phenomenon created by the United Nations, since there is an occupation regime. In the wake of these occupations, was established a regime supposed to promote the return of peace. First from states, the administration of territories has evolved. It has gradually institutionalized. There are rules dedicated to the administration of a territory by an authority which does not emanate: it is the law of occupation. It was therefore appropriate in this study to question these rules and consider the possibility of applying them to peacebuilding missions, if they participate in the administration of a territory and have in their power the civilian population. We are more committed to bring a global perspective on the institutionalization of the process, keeping in mind the rules governing the occupation of the territories

This thesis engages in a semioethic analysis of the English text of international human rights treaties to assess whether the provisions as formulated clearly identify the girl child and take into account her unique condition. Its hypothesis is that the terminology employed to define the girl child and phrase her rights is insufficient to ensure her protection. The thesis firstly explores the unique status of the girl child as a female and a child, and the obstacles she faces in exercising her rights as a result of sexism, childism, and interactive intersectional discrimination. It also presents the semiotics theory, the Meaning Triad developed by Victoria Lady Welby, which allows for an analysis of the sense, meaning and significance of terminology, and the semioethic approach, which studies the import of signs for the purpose of improving the human condition. The thesis explains how intersectionality theory and semioethics shall be applied as methodologies to examine the content of international treaties as concerns the girl child. Secondly, the thesis explores the status of the girl child under international law. It examines the gradual recognition of the girl child in the international legal apparatus and the definition of the girl child in international law and the English language. Thirdly, the thesis analyses the right to life of the girl child as a case study to investigate whether its formulation under international law sufficiently tackles three key violations experienced by girl children: prenatal sex selection, female infanticide, and feminicide of adolescent girls. The thesis focuses on the two main treaties pertaining to the girl child, the CRC and the CEDAW, and a central treaty protecting the right to life, the ICCPR. At the end of each chapter, recommendations are provided, where applicable, to modify the wording of relevant provisions in order to strengthen the protection of the girl child.

The main purpose of this research is to investigate Jordan and Israel's participation in the Red Sea – Dead Sea Water Convenience project from human security point of view. The Red Sea – Dead Sea Water Conveyance project is planned to desalinate water from Red Sea to the Dead Sea and provide fresh water to Jordan, Israel and possibly Palestine. I use a human security approach in this investigation because it has a broader people-centered security perspective. This approach guides the research to consider water related issues and challenges in Jordan and Israel to which the project can be a possible solution. I use qualitative content analysis to investigate the issues identified by Jordan and Israel, and how the project is estimated to address these challenges. I argue that the estimated benefits that the implementation of the project provides for human well-being in Jordan and Israel makes them to participate in this project.

This academic research is focusing on the role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa. It assesses the effectiveness of this Regional Economic Community in dealing with issues relating to peace and security. The study firstly discusses the legal framework that supports the mandate of the Central African subregional institution in the field of peace and security, and then it addresses its peace and security architecture. Secondly, this work stresses the achievements made by ECCAS in coping with security issues; it also stresses its shortcomings and examine the reasons behind them. Most importantly, although this research highlights the shortcomings of the ECCAS in maintaining stability and peace in the Central African subregion, it strongly advocates that the role played by ECCAS should not be underestimated and therefore, it makes some recommendations which can contribute to its rationalisation and make it more effective. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

La présente recherche porte sur l’identification d’éléments pouvant permettre la création d’un environnement favorable à la protection de la sécurité humaine des communautés arctiques canadiennes. Cette étude se concentre sur le Nunavik, dont les communautés souffrent de mal-être et de nombreux risques liés au concept de sécurité humaine issus de traumatismes passés. Afin de déterminer s’il existe des utilisations de ce concept dans la politique arctique canadienne, cette recherche analyse les dynamiques relationnelles au sein des patrouilles de Rangers canadiens. Composées de réservistes presque exclusivement Autochtones, ces patrouilles sont un lieu de rencontre entre militaires et Inuit. Cette recherche exploratoire est le résultat de l’analyse d’un corpus de vingt-et-un entretiens et d’observations de terrains conduits en 2016 et 2017 au Québec. Selon nos données, les patrouilles de Rangers et de Rangers Juniors fonctionnent en se reposant notamment, et de façon importante, sur des relations équilibrées et respectueuses de la culture autochtone. Ce sont ces relations et cet équilibre qui permettent le renforcement de la sécurité humaine des communautés arctiques. D’après cette étude exploratoire, ce renforcement résulte des dynamiques relationnelles et du soutien apporté par les communautés arctiques à ces patrouilles. Le gouvernement canadien, via les patrouilles de Rangers canadiens et de Rangers Juniors canadiens, contribue donc indirectement au renforcement de la sécurité humaine de ses communautés arctiques québécoises. / This research focuses on identifying elements that can create an enabling environment for the protection of human security in Canada's Arctic communities. This study focuses on Nunavik, whose communities suffer from malaise and from many risks related to the concept of human security. To determine if this concept is applied in Canadian Arctic domestic policy, this research analyzes relational dynamics within Canadian Ranger patrols. Canadian Rangers’ patrols are composed mainly of indigenous under the responsibility of non-indigenous instructors. This exploratory research result of an analysis of a corpus of twenty-one interviews and field observations conducted in 2016 and 2017 in Quebec. According to our data, Rangers and Junior Ranger patrols function thanks to balanced relationships respecting Aboriginal culture. These balanced relationships help strengthening the human security of Arctic communities. According to this exploratory study, this reinforcement results from the relational dynamics and the support provided by the Arctic communities to these patrols. The Canadian government, through Canadian Ranger and Canadian Junior Ranger patrols, is thus indirectly contributing to the enhancement of human security in its Arctic communities in Quebec.

The politics of labeling is not a brand-new discussion in the political science field, however, the discussion on refugee labeling in the Global South context is barely discussed. The Rohingyas and the Venezuelans fled their countries to avoid persecution and other human rights violation happening in the countries. Although according to the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1984 Cartagena Declaration they fall under the refugee label, in reality, the label is determined by the receiving states. Some labels (such as those offered by Colombia and Peru), offer higher protection, whilst others (such as those offered by Malaysia and Thailand) offer lower or even no protection at all. This thesis analyzed how this label affects human security by using comparative and document analysis. The findings show how labeling impacts the human security of the refugees which for some of them, is a life-and-death situation.