O presente trabalho tem como principal objetivo a análise de transformações da legislação imigratória brasileira. Buscou-se, inicialmente, traçar um panorama do contexto migratório no mundo e no Brasil, para, em seguida, evidenciar as diretrizes da legislação e da política imigratória brasileira em momentos históricos diferentes. Verificou-se, ao final da pesquisa, que as grandes mudanças da regulação das imigrações no Brasil foram causadas, sobretudo, por fatores políticos e econômicos e que em nenhum momento houve predominância da orientação normativa para os direitos humanos. Somente uma das atuais propostas de alteração da política imigratória nacional, se aprovada nos moldes em que se encontra, pode instaurar um marco regulatório onde os direitos humanos dos imigrantes poderão ser amplamente respeitados. / The present study aims to analyze transformations of the Brazilian legislation for immigration. It was intended, initially, to give a migrations overview in the world and Brazilian context, then to show the guidelines of Brazilian policy and law for immigration in different historical moments. It was verified, at the end of the research, the major changes to the immigration regulation in Brazil were caused by political and economic factors and that there wasnt predominance of normative guidance based on human rights. Only one of the proposals to amend the national immigration policy, if approved in the manner in which it is, may establish a regulatory framework in which the immigrants human rights shall be widely respected.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

O presente trabalho tem como principal objetivo a análise de transformações da legislação imigratória brasileira. Buscou-se, inicialmente, traçar um panorama do contexto migratório no mundo e no Brasil, para, em seguida, evidenciar as diretrizes da legislação e da política imigratória brasileira em momentos históricos diferentes. Verificou-se, ao final da pesquisa, que as grandes mudanças da regulação das imigrações no Brasil foram causadas, sobretudo, por fatores políticos e econômicos e que em nenhum momento houve predominância da orientação normativa para os direitos humanos. Somente uma das atuais propostas de alteração da política imigratória nacional, se aprovada nos moldes em que se encontra, pode instaurar um marco regulatório onde os direitos humanos dos imigrantes poderão ser amplamente respeitados. / The present study aims to analyze transformations of the Brazilian legislation for immigration. It was intended, initially, to give a migrations overview in the world and Brazilian context, then to show the guidelines of Brazilian policy and law for immigration in different historical moments. It was verified, at the end of the research, the major changes to the immigration regulation in Brazil were caused by political and economic factors and that there wasnt predominance of normative guidance based on human rights. Only one of the proposals to amend the national immigration policy, if approved in the manner in which it is, may establish a regulatory framework in which the immigrants human rights shall be widely respected.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

abstract: Over the past twenty years, the state of Arizona has increasingly become a key location for the debate surrounding immigration and border policy in the United States. Its geographical position within the Southwest North American Region (SWNAR) of the United States and shared physical border with México has forged an extensive history of complicated interconnectedness for the Latino community residing in this borderland (Vélez-Ibáñez, 2017). This dissertation examines Arizona’s anti-immigration legislation, focusing on the years between 2000 and 2018, and how, or if, this legislation affected the political participation of Latinos in the state. This research argues that Latinos, both citizen and undocumented, have galvanized across citizenship lines in response to the anti-immigration legislation aimed at criminalizing Latinos, marginalizing their families, and hindering their access to education, public services, and employment opportunities (Philbin & Ayón, 2016). Using theoretical foundations of political mobilization, this work explores the use of anti-immigration legislation as a mobilizing factor for Latino political participation. Further, the findings suggest that the traditional definition of political participation is not sufficient for the wide-ranging activities of the Latino community. This work, therefore, re-contextualizes the term political participation and establishes Latino political participation by incorporating the concept of “funds of knowledge” to account for Latino political practices that have previously been ignored by the traditional definition. For this study, a series of observations of trends in Latino voting and registration and a descriptive historical analysis of Latino political practices led to the creation of questions for the qualitative interview process. Interviews were conducted with fifteen key Latino informants, and their testimonios provide an explanation for the noted trends in Latino political participation during the election years, highlight the political mobilization that incorporated both the undocumented Latinos and Latino citizens, and provide clarification for a recontextualization of Latino political participation. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Transborder Studies 2020

L’immigration est un phénomène récurrent qui a aujourd’hui une grande ampleur. Beaucoup de pays développés subissent de plus en plus l’immigration et la France n’est pas une exception à cela. Face à ce phénomène qui fait l’objet de débats houleux, la France est à la recherche effrénée de voies et moyens pour lutter contre les étrangers en situation irrégulière d’où le caractère très actuel de ce sujet. Même si l’étranger est en situation irrégulière, il a des droits. Le plus primordial dont il bénéficie est le droit à la santé. Ce droit se matérialise par un ensemble de dispositifs (Aide médicale d’état, Fonds de soins urgents et vitaux, Performances d’accès aux soins de santé) . L’étranger en situation irrégulière a également, en matière familiale le droit de se marier, de se passer un pacte civil de solidarité. L’irrégularité de sa situation ne le prive pas de son droit d’accès à un toit de même que l’ouverture d’un compte. En matière de travail, l’étranger en situation est exclu des étrangers pouvant travailler. Cependant, l’exercice illégalement, d’une activité lui confère des droits à l’égard de son employeur et de la sécurité sociale. L’étranger en situation irrégulière est non un sujet sans droits mais aux droits limités. Cette limitation est accentuée par les difficultés d’effectivité. La France mène une lutte contre l’étranger en situation irrégulière et plus généralement contre l’immigration clandestine. Pour ce faire un dispositif répressif est mis place avec comme mesure phare l’éloignement de l’étranger en situation irrégulière. La réaction du système français n’est pas seulement répressive car un méthode douce est dans certains cas privilégiée à savoir la régularisation. Les pays membres de l’union européenne et voisins de la France en particulier et des pays développés en général connaissent même si c’est à des degrés différents le problème des étrangers en situation irrégulière. Ce constat fait du phénomène de l’immigration irrégulière un problème européen d’où la nécessité d’une coordination pour lutter efficacement contre ce phénomène. L’externalisation de la lutte contre l’immigration irrégulière est de mise. L’universalité du phénomène impose en quelque sorte d’adopter une démarche comparative à certains égards et par-delà d’apprécier l’état de la question en France par rapport à d’autres pays. Les textes communautaires, internationaux, nationaux participent à assurer un équilibre entre le respect des droits réservés à cette catégorie d’étrangers à travers le bénéfice et l’exercice par eux de droits et le respect de la législation en matière d’immigration. Dans la recherche de cet équilibre une part significative est confiée à la jurisprudence car le contentieux en la matière est très abondant du fait des saisines fréquentes du juge français ou communautaire pour constater la violation ou non d’un droit réservé à l’étranger en séjour irrégulier ou se prononcer sur une mesure allant à l’encontre de ce dernier. / Immigration is a constant phenomenon that has reached fearing proportions nowadays. Developed countries are more and more confronting it and France is not an exception. In front of this phenomenon which is now a bone of contention, France is striving for ways and means to fight against foreigners in irregular situation, hence the topicality of the issue. Even if the alien is in irregular situation is given rights the most fundamental, he benefits from is the right to health which is materialized by a set of measures State Medical Assistance (SMA), Emergency and Vital funds for health care, Permanencies for access to health care). The alien in irregular situation has also, for family matters, the right to marry, to pass a civil act of solidarity. The irregularity of his situation does not prevent him from having access to a shelter or opening an account. In terms of labour, the alien in irregular situation is excluded from the foreigners who are entitled for jobs. However, the exercise of an activity confers him rights granted by his employer and the social security. The foreigner in irregular situation is not a subject without rights but a subject with limited rights. This limitation is accentuated by constraints in effectiveness. France is fighting against foreigners in irregular situation, and generally against clandestine immigration. For this objective, a coercive apparatus is put in place with deportation as a key measure. The reaction of the French system is not only coercion because the soft approach is prioritized in some cases, meaning regularization. The European Union member countries sharing borders with France particularly, developed countries in general, are experiencing the problem of irregular aliens, even in varying degrees. With its generalization, it is becoming a European issue, hence the need of a coordination to fight efficiently against it. Externalization of the fight against irregular foreigners is in implementation. The universality of the phenomenon somehow imposes a comparative approach on some aspects, and an appreciation of the state of the art in France compared to other countries. Community and international legislations on national regulations participate in the maintenance of a balance between the respect of rights reserved for this category of foreigners through the benefit and exercise of rights by them, and the respect of legislation about immigration. In trying to achieve this balance a significant part is dedicated to jurisprudence because of the big number of litigation cases due to frequent referrals to the French court, or the European union court in order to ascertain violation - or not - of any right granted to illegal aliens, or in order to make a decision on all measures taken against them.