A proteção das terras indígenas sofreu, durante o período republicano, grandes modificações. No começo da República não havia uma política nacional voltada ao índio, é apenas no ano de 1934 que normas relativas às terras indígenas atingiram guarida constitucional. O Serviço de Proteção ao Índio (SPI), criado em 1910, que atuou no sentido de demarcar as terras indígenas, teve que se confrontar com os estados membros para proteger as terras indígenas. Durante este período, a política para os povos indígenas foi de educar os povos indígenas a um modo de vida ocidental, persuadindo os a abandonar seus costumes originais. Isso levou a redução do território necessário para a subsistência dos índio, já que a caça e coleta foram substituídos com a agricultura. Assim, a terra abandonada poderia ser vendida ou utilizada pelo governo federal. Hoje em dia, apesar de essas metas não serem mais apoiadas pela Constituição de 1988, as leis ordinárias não foram alteradas para refletir estes novos objetivos: o respeito à forma original de vida dos indígenas, de acordo com o direito internacional. O que mostra que há contradições no sistema jurídico brasileiro, no que diz respeito aos índios. / The protection of indigenous rights to their land in Brazil has greatly evolved since the early twentieth century. Back then Brazil was a newly established republic divided in states, each of which were responsible for the administration of the indigenous people that occupied their territory. Therefore there was no common policy towards the administration of the indigenous people. Changes began in 1910 when a federal organization, the Indian Protection Service, was created to protect the indigenous people nationwide. During this period the federal policy toward indigenous people was to progressively educate the indigenous people to a western way of life, persuading them to abandon their original customs. One of the achievements of this policy was to reduce the size of the land needed for the indigenous subsistence as hunting and gathering were substituted with farming. Thus, the superfluous land could be sold or otherwise used by the government. Nowadays, although these goals are no longer endorsed in the 1988 constitution, statute law has not changed to reflect these new objectives, namely respect of the original indigenous way of life, in accordance to international law.

Trata-se de um debate sobre os processos de mudanças ocorridos nas aldeias indígenas Guarani Mbya do Jaraguá, localizadas na zona noroeste do município de São Paulo. Estes processos são decorrentes dos conflitos de duas diferentes lógicas que coexistem no mesmo espaço, em uma porção da periferia da metrópole. É o embate entre a lógica capitalista, hegemônica na metrópole, que produz seu espaço, a propriedade privada, que tenta moldar o espaço da comunidade indígena e a lógica indígena, oposta a acumulação. Neste sentido, obrigaram os indígenas à aceitação de um espaço produzido pelo Estado, Terra Indígena (T.I.), e limitado pelo processo de periferização da metrópole. Porém, não sem reação, já que os indígenas ocupam outras áreas, e formam novas aldeias. Assim, este processo pode ser lido através da contradição integração/desintegração deste povo no que se pode chamar de universo urbano. Porém, este é um processo contraditório que não se realiza de forma integral, revelando sua negatividade através de outro momento, a resistência. A resistência suposta pelo uso e apropriação que a comunidade exerce através de suas relações sociais fundamentadas por sua cultura é que vai produzir um espaço diferenciado dentro da metrópole paulistana, um espaço considerado de resistência. / The dissertation deals with changes occurred in the Guarani indigenous settlements of Mbya, in Jaraguá, in the northwestern part of the city of São Paulo. These changes are brought about by the clash between two different but coexisting logics on the outskirts of the metropolis: the capitalistic logic, which is prevalent and produces its own space, that of private property, all the while trying to shape the space of the indigenous community; and the indigenous logic, which challenges the process of accumulation. As a result of this clash, the indigenous group was forced to accept an area (Indigenous Land, T.I.) established by the state and restricted by the growth of the urban periphery. However, the indigenous groups offer resistance by establishing new settlements in other areas, which allowed us to interpret this process as a contradiction between the integration and the disintegration of these people in what has been called urban universe. This contradictory process cannot come to an end because it carries its negative moment: resistance. The resistance that stems from the use and appropriation of space by the community social and cultural relations produces a different space within the metropolis of São Paulo, a space of resistance.

The CHT peace accord signed between the Government of Bangladesh and the PCJSS (Parbatya Chattyagram Jana Sanhati Samiti) in 1997 which recognized the re-establishment of the rights of indigenous people with the formation of local and regional councils as controlling and supervisory bodies over land and land management, law and order, civil administration, development programs; food, health, education, water and sanitation, forest and environment and many more. After more than a decade of signing the peace accord, it did not implement as historically the people are exploited. Human rights have been severely violated in the region for many years of the peace accord though the area is economically sound. In relating to the peace accord, the main argument of this thesis is to present the nature of the exclusion, deprivation, protect and prospects, economic rights of the ‘adivasi’ people especially Chakma in the CHTs in food and social security, health, water and sanitation, education and income via social policy perspective through using both of qualitative and quantitative method. In concerning to the objectives, the study has exposed that the income of the Chakma people in Sonai and Mayni is lower than the rest of the people of the country. They excluded from social safety net program and they have lack of social security. The study has also evidenced that the people have no access to safe drinking water and hygienic sanitation. They live in the fragile houses where have no any necessary household chores or furniture. In comparing to the education of the country, their literacy rate is lower than the mainstream people. In the Sonai and Mayni, health related service providing quality is not so good. The indigenous people need more care and the ‘social policy’ perspective has helped to play vital role in such situation.

En 1993, la Colombie réforme son système de santé en suivant les orientations données par la Constitution politique adoptée en 1991 et les recommandations du « consensus de Washington ». Le pays entre dans une nouvelle ère politique dans laquelle la question sociale est redéfinie autour du thème de la pauvreté, tandis que la question ethnique acquière une visibilité inédite. Dans ce contexte, des Entités Promotrices de Santé Indigènes (EPSI) sont créées à partir du modèle générique des EPS, ces organismes d’administration de l’affiliation et des budgets de la santé qui jouent un rôle d’intermédiaire entre l’État et le patient. Les EPSI sont étroitement liées au monde autochtone. Elles gèrent l’accès à la santé d’une population dont la plus grande majorité doit être autochtone. Le personnel qui assure leur fonctionnement est recruté dans l’espace social et politique autochtone. Enfin, ce sont les autorités dites « traditionnelles » qui les contrôlent. Pour être des représentantes des communautés, ces autorités donnent aux EPSI une nature juridique publique, ce qui leur confère un caractère spécifique dans un système de santé où la tendance est à la généralisation de la privatisation. Quelles sont alors les conséquences de l’intégration à la gestion des affaires publiques de ces structures de pouvoir autochtones et de leurs agents. Quels sont aussi les effets de domination et/ou les expressions d’autonomie que la pratique concrète de ce multiculturalisme génère ? Analysant les enjeux qui se dessinent au sein du champ de la santé interculturelle, la thèse s’organise autour de trois moments. Il s’agit d’abord de caractériser le paradigme dans lequel sont pensés, depuis l’État, le système de santé et l’interculturalité pour comprendre comment les politiques du multiculturalisme deviennent un outil de domination par l’intégration. Le mode opératoire de cette gouvernementalité néolibérale s’appuie en particulier sur la promotion de l’empowerment, la participation autochtone au système de santé en étant l’une des expressions. On s’intéresse ensuite à la dimension dialectique des politiques du multiculturalisme à partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée sur trois EPSI dans trois départements (Cauca, César, La Guajira). La pratique de ce multiculturalisme conduit à une réinterprétation du sens qui lui est donné, en particulier au travers de la réappropriation de pouvoirs (contrôle territorial, biopouvoir) par laquelle devient possible la construction d’une autonomie de ces espaces autochtones. Mais cette autonomie n’est rendue possible, et cela constitue le troisième moment de la démonstration, que par l’existence préalable d’une dynamique sociale, collective et historiquement fixée qui a permis la formation d’un groupe d’agents capables de produire un discours et une pratique propre. Il s’agit alors d’étudier au travers de récits biographiques la formation sociale de ces possibles contre-publics autochtones en s’intéressant à la construction des habitus des agents et aux économies morales locales et globales qui ont contribué à la consolidation de ces contre-publics. / In 1993, Colombia reformed its healthcare system by following the orientations brought out by the political Constitution adopted in 1991 and the prescriptions emanating from the « Washington consensus ». The country enters a new political era in which social issues are redefined around the theme of poverty, whereas ethnic issues acquire a new visibility. In this context, Entities Promoting Indigenous Health (EPIH) are created from the generic model of EPHs, which are public administrative bodies dealing with healthcare affiliations and budgets and play an intermediary role between the State and the patient. The EPIH is closely intertwined with the native world. In fact, these entities manage the access to health care services for a population that must be of great majority native. The personnel and agents that run these entities are recruited in the native social and political realm. Furthermore, what is known as the "traditional" authority fully supervises these entities. To officially represent these native communities, these authorities give to the EPSI a public legal status, which confers them a distinctive character in the health care system more generally undergoing privatization reforms. What are the consequences of bringing in indigenous authorities and agents of these health agencies in the administration of public affairs? What are the effect on power relations and/or expressions of autonomy generated by the concrete application of this multiculturalism? Analyzing the issues that are brought out in the realm of intercultural health, this thesis is structured around three main parts. The first part will define the paradigm in which are thought out, from a state perspective, the interculturality of the health care system to understand how politics of multiculturalism, through integration, become a method of domination. The modus operandi of neo-liberal governance is based on the notion of empowerment, i.e. indigenous participation to the health care system being one of its manifestations. The second part will study the dialectical dimension of multiculturalism politics based on an ethnographic study conducted in three EPIH in three states (Cauca, César, La Guajira). The concrete application of this politics of multiculturalism leads to a re-interpretation of its meaning and an re-appropriation of social power dynamnics (territorial control, biopolitics) through which become possible the construction of autonomous indigenous space. However, the third part will analyze how this autonomy is only made possible by preexisting social, collective, and historical dynamics, which enabled a group of agents to produce a discourse and their own application of public affairs. We will thus study with the help of biographical narratives how it is possible to form counterpublics by looking at the habitus of the agents and at the local and global moral economy that helped shape these counterpublics.

This thesis critically examines the role of indigeneity in urban policies and planning in a context of constitutional changes that have taken place in Bolivia and Ecuador in the recent decade. It departs from previous academic and policy research which mainly studied indigenous rights in rural areas and focused on urban indigenous peoples as outlawed, excluded, or insurgent subjects. Instead, it conceptualises the translation of indigenous rights into urban policies as a complex process in which a multiplicity of social actors – including government officials and urban indigenous groups – are involved. Drawing on the practice-centric literature on urban policy and planning, it recognises that the work of government officials is influenced by multiple factors such as constitutional texts as well as their personal views, interest group demands, and the wider structural and political environment surrounding them. Government attempts to translate indigenous rights are contrasted to urban indigenous peoples’ own understandings of indigeneity and associated interests and demands. In addition, this thesis uses an asset accumulation framework as well as the concept of tactics to identify how urban indigenous peoples address and negotiate their interests and demands and try to influence decision-making processes from the bottom-up. The thesis relies on La Paz (Bolivia) and Quito (Ecuador) as ‘illustrative cases’ to study the role of indigeneity in urban policies. As both La Paz and Quito represent capital cities, it was possible to approach government officials operating at multiple scales – international, national and local – as well as ordinary urban indigenous residents. Methodologically, the thesis employs a qualitative, case study comparison and draws on information derived from semi-structured interviews, document analysis, participant observation and participatory focus groups conducted during eleven months of fieldwork. In terms of comparison, this thesis makes use of a variation-finding approach. By explaining variations between the cases through focusing on the unique processes and factors that shaped the translation of indigenous rights within each city, it intends to offer a more nuanced and context-responsive approach for studying urban indigeneity and addressing indigenous rights in cities. A central finding of this thesis is that the incorporation of indigeneity into urban policies and indigenous people’s own practices to fulfil their specific demands were characterised by a set of conflicting realities: First, for government officials the translation of indigenous rights into urban policies sometimes clashed with other priorities – such as addressing universal rights and interests of non-indigenous pressure groups – or with their own views of the city as a ‘white’, ‘western’, and ‘modern’ places. Second, urban indigenous peoples articulated multiple and contradictory identities. They mainly did this by voicing specific demands for land – an important asset which they associated with the preservation of a communal and traditional lifestyle but also with aspirations to lead a modern and capitalist life in the city. Third, the findings reveal that indigenous peoples – particularly their community leaders – had to enter in negotiations with governments to access different assets such as land, housing, or education. In these processes leaders manoeuvred between different worlds. They had to conform to political agendas and – particularly in the case of Bolivia – to official spatialized understandings of identity and rights which often conflicted with their own sense of being indigenous in the city.

This thesis aims to understand the political sociology of Maoist insurgency in India using a combination of disaggregated statistics and qualitative data. The vast majority of insurgent leaders are from dominant or upper caste, middle class backgrounds. Their participation in the insurgency can be understood in terms of ideology and short-term processes of mobilization. The Maoist insurgents provide a unified organizational structure for two separate sections of society. On the one hand, are untouchable or dalit landless laborers who suffer economic exploitation at the hands of higher caste landowners. On the hand are tribal or adivasi landowning cultivators whose relative autonomy has come under increasing pressure over the past two centuries as the state has established control over natural resources in their area. Their support for the insurgents does not just manifest itself from exploited untouchables’ and oppressed tribals’ positions in the social structure as structural theories would assume. Rather, the insurgents provide them with collective incentives in order to encourage their support. The actors at the macro and micro levels have very different reasons for participating in the insurgency. The insurgent leaders aim to capture state power through a Protracted People’s War, while the objectives of supporters at the micro-level tend to be more concerned with local and short-term issues. The insurgency should be conceptualised as a state building enterprise in which the interests of supporters at all levels are served by seizing local political power and the building of a base area. The thesis demonstrates that the insurgency is expanding most rapidly in the central Indian tribal belt. I use a case study to show that not all tribal communities support the insurgents. Some oppose them, either because their interests have been harmed by the presence of the insurgents, or as a result of a variety of endogenous mechanisms. This indicates that insurgency is a more dynamic and complex process than structural and rational actor theories allow for. The thesis finishes by placing the subject of indigenous communities and insurgency in the global context. It demonstrates that, while so-called indigenous communities listed by the Minorities at Risk project amount to 4.8% of the world’s population, they were involved in 43% of the intra-state conflict years listed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program Armed Conflict Dataset between 1946 and 2010.

This paper argues for the utilisation of Critical Discourse Analysis to analyse the Australian governments disaster risk frameworks and plans to find if their depiction, or lack thereof, of indigenous knowledge and people can be traced parallel to their historical treatment of indigenous Australians. Focusing on matters of inequality which plague the indigenous people of Australia, I discuss how indigenous people and their knowledge have been disregarded within the drafting of Australia’s Disaster Risk Reduction and Management plans and frameworks, resulting in a lack of inclusion and consideration of the benefit of their indigenous communities and their knowledge. The need for this study lies in the fact that the field of Disaster Risk Reduction and Management is focused upon an epistemologically scientific form of study, often subsuming other avenues of knowledge attainment which can prove helpful in reducing and managing disaster risk. To do this, the study considers the historical treatment of indigenous Australians to contextualise the meanings of words, sentences, and statements within the documents, focusing on matters of ethnic inequality, to answer the question: How can the Australian governmental discourse surrounding indigenous people and their knowledge within Australia’s disaster preparation frameworks exemplify the ongoing issue of indigenous inequality globally?

Discusses how to ascertain the meaning and implications of Right to Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). Discusses the difference between meaningful participation of FPIC and the relationship between ‘national interest’ and the right to FPIC. Also analyses the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples, including mainly the right to FPIC in Ethiopia. Introduces recommendations concerning the middle ground between ‘national interest’ and the right to FPIC. Discusses how the right to FPIC can be legally recognised in Ethiopia and Africa in general, including particularly by the African Commission, and outlines specific recommendations on the relevant policies of the World Bank and African Development Bank. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Odile Lim Tung, Faculty of Law and Management, University of Mauritius. / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2009. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Indigenous people (IP) and minorities (IM)have similar problems of political, economic, and social marginalisation. The Nigerian government (hiding behind the veil of the African Union) does not recognise the indigenous status of deserving ethnic groups. This has left indigenous minorieties unprotected. Considering the situation in Africa generally, and in Nigeria specifically, this research work is aimed at answering the following questions: (1) Will the protection and promotion of the rights of IP in Africa not be effective if they are considered as IM; thereby giving the dominant majority a place in the ‘indigeneity’ of the country? (2) How can the IP of the minority tribes in the Niger Delta be entitled to legal protection from non-recognition of their status by the government? (3) Assuming, but not conceding, that everyone in Nigeria is indigenous to the country and to every region of the country, does this deprive IM in an age-long marginalised region a special attention by means of affirmative action? (4) What legal protection is accorded to minorities among IP? (5) Are there negative implications for ethnic minorities in the different regions of a country by the blanket recognition of all natives of that country as IP? (6) How can the available legal framework under the United Nations and the African Union for the protection of IP and minorities be effectively utilised to the advantage of IP despite the current position of the African Union on IP? / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Angelo Matusse, of the faculty of law, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Mozambique / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The topic of this diploma thesis is education of two ethnic minorities living in different majority societies and in different parts of the world - Czech Roma population and Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The author presents relevant sociological critical theories of education and outlines the history of the examined minorities and the development of the approach of the majority society towards these minorities. She focuses on the consequences of discrimination of minorities in the area of education. She identifies similarities between the life conditions of the examined minorities, as well as certain differences arising from different social conditions. One of the common features of both minorities is a low standard of education, which has a negative impact on all spheres of their life (for example, employment, housing conditions, health, and life expectancy). Two case studies presented by the author suggest that the low level of education of minority population is a consequence of wrong education policies in the countries under examination. The main cause of the failure of Roma children in Czech schools and of the children of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Australian schools is not their incapability but rather the low expectations of their teachers, who put on...