Syftet med mitt examensarbete är att utforska skolans identitet och kunskap genom att undersöka kunskapssynen hos progressivism respektive reformationskristendom. Jag har valt att använda mig av en hermeneutisk undersökningsmetod för mitt arbete för att kunna ge en helhetsbild av och förståelse för de två olika grundperspektiven. Eftersom hermeneutiken framhäver betydelsen av förståelse och tolkning, anser jag att denna metod passar för min undersökning. Genom att läsa utvald litteratur och artiklar, ämnar jag fördjupa min förståelse för synen på kunskap och tolka och analysera dagens lärandesituationer med den vunna förståelsen. Jag har kommit fram till att en av de stora skillnaderna i fråga om kunskapssynen mellan kristendom och progressivismen är att progressivismen fokuserar på kunskapens funktion, det vill säga att kunskapen ses som instrument medan i kristendomen kunskap har ett egenvärde. Jag har också studerat hur progressivismen stegvis har påverkat Sveriges skolpolitik och pedagogik. Vad som kan ses som negativa konsekvenser av progressivismen är att kunskapens innehåll och värde inte är så klart och positivt. Om kunskap inte betraktas som värdefull i sig, ses inte heller lärare och skola som något av större eller principiellt värde. Eftersom kunskap i första hand betraktas som instrument, blir följden att även lärare och skola betraktas som redskap. / The aim of my thesis is to explore the concept of knowledge and the essence of school in Sweden by examining how knowledge is regarded by progressivism and Reformation Christianity. I have chosen to use a hermeneutic research method for my work to be able to give the general pictures and comprehension of the two basic perspectives. Since the hermeneutic research method highlights the importance of understanding and interpretation, I think this method is suitable for my study. By reading a variety of selected books and articles to deepen my understanding on the issue and through interpreting and analyzing the current situations in schools, I have searched for the answer to my questions. I have found that one of the crucial differences in the views of knowledge between Christianity and progressivism is that progressivism focuses on knowledge as function, in other words, knowledge is treated as an instrument, while in Christianity knowledge has an intrinsic value. I have also studied how progressivism gradually has affected education policy and pedagogy in Sweden. What can be seen as a negative impact of progressivism is that the view of knowledge and its value is not so clear and positive. If knowledge, in the first place, is not considered as something valuable, teachers or school will not be seen as something with fundamental value either. Since knowledge is primarily seen as an instrument, the consequence is that even teachers and school are considered tools.

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The purpose of this analysis is to explain the instrumental theories of Dewey and Ayres; their analysis of societal problems and the proposed solutions; and finally their perception of the future direction of society. Dewey and Ayres both utilized the instrumental theory of value to analyze problems and propose solutions. According to this theory, something has value if it enhances or furthers the life process of mankind. Therefore, this should become the criterion to be utilized in determining the future courses of action. They both agree that policy decisions should be made with at least one goal in mind: progress.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

The aim of this thesis is to gain a better understanding of why the European Commission believes that the European Union (EU) should support culture and if a change has occurred over time. This is achieved by combining a qualitative idea analysis and a quantitative content analysis and analyzing proposals from 1998, 2004, 2011 and 2018 that the Commission has presented regarding a framework programme for the cultural sector within the EU. Geir Vestheims theory that all cultural policy is instrumental was used as a theoretical framework since it consists of ideal types that can explain why states support culture: because of its qualitative, economic, social or democratic instrumental values. The results of the study show that qualitative, economic, social and democratic arguments could be found in all four proposals and particularly that the proposal from 2018 contained several diverse arguments. A change over time was discovered however, since the most prominent arguments in the proposals from 1998 and 2004 revolved around the fact that culture was to be supported because of its impact on social development. The proposals from 2011 and 2018 were instead comprised of a large amount of arguments pertaining to the economic benefits of supporting culture.

Experiência artístico-estética como experiência educativa: a necessidade de superar antagonismos é uma pesquisa fundamentada no instrumentalismo deweiano. A tese defende a importância da dimensão arquitetônica para a educação aprofundando com Dewey a necessidade da superação de antagonismos, dentre eles o existente entre arte e vida. Como movimento filosófico, o instrumentalismo não concebe a razão como algo completo por si mesmo, independente da matéria, indiferente às influências dos hábitos, dos instintos e das emoções como fatores ativos da vida, ou seja, independente da experiência. O conceito de experiência é central na filosofia deweiana e sua influência na concepção contemporânea de currículo pode ser constatada no reconhecimento da importância da inter-relação entre sujeito e ambiente no processo educativo; mas a arquitetura como um elemento do ambiente educativo, segundo Antonio Viñao Frago, dificilmente é estudada em sua dimensão antropológica. Frago aponta razões para essa dificuldade que possivelmente dizem respeito à necessidade de superação de antagonismos, assim como as razões para o distanciamento da discussão arquitetônica da sociedade. No entanto, é possível constatar em intervenções arquitetônicas no âmbito da educação, dentre elas o restauro e requalificação da Faculdade de Medicina da Universidade de São Paulo, que esses antagonismos podem ser superados como o existente entre cultura e eficiência social. / Esthetic-artistic experience as educational experience: the necessity of an antagonism surmount defends an architectural dimension to education and proposes with Dewey the necessity of getting over antagonisms. Its instrumentalism doesnt accept the independence of reason and subject, without influence from habits, instincts, emotions as active life factors, that independent from experience. The concept of experience is central in Deweys philosophy and its influence in contemporary curriculum conception can be recognize when supports the importance of the connection between individual and environment in educational process; but the architectural element of educational environment has hardly been studied in its anthropological dimension according to Antonio Viñao Frago. Frago indicates some reasons to that problem, it distances involves the necessity to get over antagonism mainly the antagonism between architectural discussion and society. However, it is possible to see among architectural interventions in formal education, as the restoration and requalification of Medicine College of São Paulo University for example, how the antagonism social efficiency and culture can be surmounted.

The aim of this master’s thesis is to study the discourses on culture as developed by EU Commission. The method applied is a discoursebased historical analysis, where analysis of arguments and metaphors are functional to the enlightening of the construction of discourses within EU cultural policy. EU official documents constitute the empirical material studied. The theoretical framework of the thesis draws upon cultural public sphere theory as well instrumentalist cultural policy research. The different discourses on culture that the Commission has formulated in the thesis’ empirical material are set in relationship with the issues of Europeanisation, cultural citizenship and the transformations from a Fordist to a post-Fordist society.The history of the Commission’s cultural policy is presented in three phases. In a first phase (1957-1991) cultural policy is an implicit policy area and the Commission’s discourses on culture are found to oscillate between a conception of culture as singular, a common European culture, as well as plural, i.e. the different cultures of the member states. In a second phase (1992-2006), opened by the Maastricht Treaty, cultural policy is an explicit policy area and discourses on culture rotate around the unity-in-diversity formula, with a stronger accent on diversity compared to the past. In a third phase (2007-) cultural policy is mainly characterised by a neoliberal discourse on culture as economic resource. Discursive relationships between EU cultural policy and other EU policy areas of interest for library and information science (information society policy and information dissemination policy), are also amongst the thesis’ findings. / Program: Masterprogram: Biblioteks- och informationsvetenskap, Digitala bibliotek och informationstjänster

This Master’s thesis has governmental cultural policy in focus and concludes a textual idea analysis of the governmental bill Time for culture. (Tid för kultur.) The aim of the study is to examine how the government is seeking legitimacy concerning the cultural policy. One of the starting points is that the society has changed over time in terms of for example increased globalization and multicultural and even the market adjustment is more evident. Also the economical basis in the society is different nowadays. These changes form challenges concerning the governmental cultural policy. The theoretical starting point for this thesis is based on a theory by cultural policy researcher Geir Vestheim. The theory claims that cultural policy is instrumental. The forms of instrumental culture policy are either qualitative, social, economic or democratic. The method used in the study is idea analysis. Ideal types based on a model by Vestheim are used to examine the different forms of instrumental culture policy and arguments in Time for culture. The study wants to explore which forms of arguments and instrumental cultural policy that can be seen in Time for culture. The result of this study shows that the different forms of instrumental cultural policy occur to varying extent in Time for culture. Most prominent are the economical arguments. Particularly when it comes to the cultural policy that concerns the role of the culture in the development of the society. One conclusion drawn is that the government is seeking legitimacy concerning the new cultural policy mainly throughout economical arguments.