How does poverty relate to why internal armed conflicts occur and intensify? This dissertation explores gendered dimensions of poverty related to minor internal armed conflict onset in poor contexts and suggests pathways through which nutritional insecurity may mediate conflict escalation by amplifying real dimensions of poverty. This dissertation analyzes positive-feedback dimensions between poverty and internal armed conflict by asking how minor internal armed conflict may occur because of gendered dimensions of poverty obscured by a focus on income per capita. This dissertation frames the decision to rebel within impoverished contexts as an issue indivisibility problem and engenders the rationalist logic as masculinist. By assessing how changes in national patterns of divorced males may reflect lost access to gendered resources within households and by analyzing how gendered structures may instantiate masculinist reactions to the gendered dimensions of poverty, this dissertation elucidates how the real effects of poverty and violence may align to lay the foundations for the amplification of internal armed conflict through the conflict cycle. By identifying three pathways through which nutritional insecurity may operate, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of how countries may develop self-reinforcing patterns of real poverty and internal armed conflict. I argue that the willingness and ability to rebel in contexts of poverty may be partially affected by lost access to resources produced at household levels by forms of feminized labor, as well as to resources that are distributed with gender inequality. I argue that nutritional insecurity may be captured by examining levels of per capita protein from meat consumption and offer three mechanisms through which protein from meat per capita consumption may proxy nutritional insecurity within poor countries that experience minor internal armed conflict: the proliferation of security dilemmas as conditioned by minor internal armed conflict; the loss of soil fertility as an amplified function of fighting; and the reliance on food exports. I examine data on 186 countries in the 1961-2008 period to interrogate why some countries develop the dynamics associated with the poverty-conflict trap and to find general support of the hypotheses.

Esta tesis propone desarrollar un análisis de la forma cómo los diarios El Comercio y La República han denominado al Conflicto Armado Interno peruano en dos casos específicos. Es importante precisar, en primer lugar, que la elección de ambos diarios para el futuro análisis, se llevó a cabo debido a que tanto El Comercio como La República han sido diarios peruanos que aún mantienen circulación nacional y han seguido existiendo más allá del desarrollo del proceso de violencia. Esta particularidad no se ha visto en otros diarios, dado que algunos desaparecieron durante o antes del conflicto y, también, otros fueron creados después del conflicto. El primer caso a revisar es la entrega y publicación del Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR) en el año 2003. El segundo caso es el segundo aniversario de la entrega del Informe Final de la CVR y la creación, por consiguiente, del monumento del “Ojo que Llora” en el año 2005. Estos dos casos presentan una vinculación con la necesidad de conocer la verdad y elaborar un acercamiento con la reconciliación y la memoria de una sociedad posconflicto como la peruana. / This thesis proposes to develop an analysis of how the newspapers El Comercio and La República have called the Peruvian Internal Armed Conflict in two specific cases. It is important to specify, in the first place, that the election of both newspapers for the future analysis was carried out because both El Comercio and La República have been peruvian newspapers that still maintain national circulation and have continued to exist beyond the development of the violence process. This feature has not been seen in other newspapers, since some disappeared during or before the conflict and, also, others were created after the conflict. The first case to review is the delivery and publication of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) in 2003. The second case is the second anniversary of the delivery of the Final Report of the CVR and the creation, by therefore, the monument of the "Eye that Cries" in the year 2005. These two cases present a link with the need to know the truth and develop an approach to reconciliation and memory of a post-conflict society such as Peru. / Tesis

Si la situation armée que traverse la Colombie n'est pas inconnue du grand public, tel n'est pas le cas pour les cohortes de réfugiés qui se sont formées dans son sillage. Relativement peu médiatisés sur la scène internationale, ces mouvements de populations représentent une constance dans l'histoire de ce conflit armé. Aujourd'hui, ce pays comptabilise le plus de réfugiés internes au monde. Renvoyant tout à la fois à une typologie migratoire et à une catégorie institutionnelle, ce travail de recherche en anthropologie politique revient sur ces mobilités contraintes « par la guerre ». Désignés et regroupés sous l'appellation « desplazamientos forzados por la violencia », ces mouvements sont de l'ordre du multiple et font localement l'objet d'une veille scientifique, politique et humanitaire importante. Cependant, il existe de grandes disparités dans les discours et dans les analyses le concernant, notamment lorsque se pose la question de la nature du territoire de départ des migrants. Ainsi, l'imaginaire veut que la situation armée qui impulse ces mobilités soit circonscrite au milieu rural et absent des milieux urbains.Or, les données recueillies et présentées dans cette thèse viennent bousculer ce postulat. Menées auprès de différents acteurs dans les villes de Bogotá et de Soacha entre 2010 et 2012, ces enquêtes de terrains témoignent de l'efficience de ces pratiques, tout en soulignant la pluralité de trajectoires qu'elles recoupent et la complexité des situations auxquelles elles répondent. Ainsi, ce travail de recherche fait resurgir l'importance des thèmes de la mémoire, de l'informalité, de l'appartenance ou encore de la distribution des richesses. / If the armed conflict affecting Colombia is known from the public, it is not the case of the numerous refugees it has created. Movements of population are constant across the history of this armed conflict although it did not attract the media’s attention. Nowadays this country has the largest number of internal refugees in the world. The present document is the result of a research in political anthropology on the migration patterns of populations caused by the threatening « of the war ». Identified and grouped under the denomination of « desplazamientos forzados por la violencia », these movements are plural. Locally this « total social fact » is closely monitored by scientific, political and humanitarian institutions. However significant disparities exist on both the analysis and the reasons of these migrations, especially regarding the condition of the migrant’s departure territory. It is often a statement in people’s mind that the conflicts at the origin of these motilities are limited to the countryside, and thus absent from the urban zones. However the data presented in this PhD thesis goes against this postulate. It was collected between 2010 and 2012 among various Colombian actors and institutions based in the cities of Bogotá and Soacha. By combining this data, the fieldwork demonstrates the reality of a transfer of the old conflicts into urban areas, stressing the existence of a plurality of trajectories and testifying about the complexity of situations to which they respond. This research emphasis the importance of themes such as memory, territory, informality, membership, distribution of wealth and knowledge transmission.

This thesis is conducted as a descriptive qualitative single case study to establish empirical knowledge of the ongoing internal armed conflict between the government of Colombia and the guerrilla Ejército de Liberación Nacional. The ontological foundation orienting from social constructivism and Galtung’s theoretical concepts of attitude, behaviour, and contradiction along with the three aspects of violence: direct, cultural, and structural. Based on the application of the textual discourse analysis method, 96 different discourses were analysed. The result of the analysis shows that the perception the actors have towards each other strongly is negative. The government and the guerrilla accuse each other of contributing to the social injustice in Colombia, where perception towards the ‘other’, ideology and police violence against social protests are three main subjects found contributing to the conflict. The result indicates an interrelation in Galtung’s theory between the conflict triangle (T1) and the violence triangle (T2). The concept of contradiction from the conflict triangle, in this analysis, could only be distinguished within the three approaches of violence (T2). This study confirms several claims and arguments from previous research within the academic fields of peace and conflict in Colombia. Subsequently, I aim to contribute to a deeper understanding of the ongoing conflict

This paper presents a gender analysis of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820(2008), the International Human Rights Law and the International Humanitarian Law. The study is regarding resolution 1820 as a breakthrough in the writings of legal documents that criminalizes sexual violence against women in internal armed conflict. Using textual analysis and a feminist theoretical approach the study highlights the construction of gender norms in the legal document. The study suggests that the narrative of legislative bodies of the IHL and IHRL is dominated by masculinity. Furthermore I am discussing if such norms are evident as a form of essentialism in the legal document, if essentialism is apparent in local and international juridical systems, and what effect does it have on the resolution 1820.

In the wake of atrocities arising from internal armed conflicts in the 1990s, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty introduced the Responsibility to Protect doctrine (“R2P”) as a solution to reconcile the notion of state sovereignty with the need to protect citizens. The lack of available protection for internal armed conflicts and the subsequent evolution of the humanitarian intervention debate facilitated the unanimous acceptance of R2P’s fundamental principles by all UN member states. This paper examines the development of the R2P doctrine and its current status as customary law. By identifying its inadequacies, the paper raises questions of the doctrine’s viability in fulfilling the emerging norm of the collective responsibility to protect. In order to remedy these shortfalls and ensure the doctrine’s effectiveness, the paper argues the need to incorporate post-conflict investigatory mechanisms into the R2P.

In the wake of atrocities arising from internal armed conflicts in the 1990s, the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty introduced the Responsibility to Protect doctrine (“R2P”) as a solution to reconcile the notion of state sovereignty with the need to protect citizens. The lack of available protection for internal armed conflicts and the subsequent evolution of the humanitarian intervention debate facilitated the unanimous acceptance of R2P’s fundamental principles by all UN member states. This paper examines the development of the R2P doctrine and its current status as customary law. By identifying its inadequacies, the paper raises questions of the doctrine’s viability in fulfilling the emerging norm of the collective responsibility to protect. In order to remedy these shortfalls and ensure the doctrine’s effectiveness, the paper argues the need to incorporate post-conflict investigatory mechanisms into the R2P.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the relation between two highly relevant documents for the Colombian society: Firstly, The peace agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC guerrilla. Secondly, the agreement of the authorities of the country to follow and pursuit the new Sustainable Development Goals – Agenda 2030 from United Nations. For this research, an extensive existing literature review was done. Throughout the empirics, the analysis looked at the relation between these two documents to show the level of compatibility for the Sustainable Development agenda in Colombia. This compatibility is important to determine as both documents have a vital importance for the Colombian Society. The first, Peace Agreement, as it is the text that aims to propose the political agenda after more than 50 years of conflict between the authorities and the FARC guerrilla. Secondly, the SDGs – Agenda 2030 is a political agreement that countries in the world will follow to contribute to the sustainability of the planet. Thus, after having the chance to review and analyze both documents, there exist clear synergies between both documents, with the exceptions of certain topics. It can be concluded that there is much room for being optimistic in the case of Colombia, but to keep in mind that the agreements are just that: the entrance to a route that now the whole country needs to take, the path of sustainability.

O deslocamento forçado na Colômbia entendido como as migrações de pessoas dentro das fronteiras do país geradas ou forçadas pelas ações de violência dos grupos armados colombianos, posiciona hoje o país como o segundo no mundo com o maior numero de pessoas deslocadas forçosamente depois da Síria -segundo o relatório do Centro de Monitoramento do Deslocamento Interno (IDMC, na sigla em inglês) (2015). Desde 1985 a 1º de agosto de 2016, 7.844.527 pessoas têm sido deslocadas no país segundo o Governo da Colômbia, quase 15% da população total na atualidade. Nesta pesquisa se analisa a partir de uma perspectiva espacial o deslocamento forçado na Colômbia analisando através do mapa as relações entre conflitos sociais e espaço geográfico. São representadas e modelizadas as características e dinâmicas do fenômeno ao longo do tempo a partir de diferentes técnicas do mapeamento e da modelização gráfica. Paralelamente, é desenvolvido um estudo da evolução espaço-tempo do fenômeno social utilizando econometria espacial para estabelecer as correlações espaciais entre deslocamento e conflito armado, a partir de uma abordagem estatística. E num terceiro componente desta pesquisa, se desenvolve uma análise da política pública do Governo da Colômbia que responde às vítimas da violência no marco do conflito armado, incorporando como ferramenta de análise a cartografia produzida nesta pesquisa. Como parte dos resultados se constata que o deslocamento forçado é um fenômeno dinâmico que não se distribui aleatoriamente no espaço e pelo contrario apresenta concentração espacial. A cartografia mostra que o deslocamento não tem tido o mesmo comportamento ao longo dos anos, as migrações de pessoas têm diminuído no norte do país incrementando o volume no oriente e pacífico sul, aproximadamente a partir de 2008 quando este conduta se acentua. Da mesma forma se evidencia que os principais destinos da população deslocada são os polos econômicos e populacionais do país, onde geralmente a oferta de programas de atenção e reparação a vítimas é maior. / Forced displacement in Colombia, understood as the migrations of people within the borders of the country generated or forced by the violent actions of the Colombian armed groups, making it the country with the second highest number of internally displaced people in the world after Syria - according to the report from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) (2015). Since 1985 to August 1st 2016, 7.844.527 persons have been displaced in the country according the Government of Colombia (GoC), almost 12 percent of the current Colombia\'s population. In this study is analyzed the internal displacement in Colombia using a spatial perspective, where through the map is analyzed the relations between social conflicts and geographic space. The characteristics and dynamics of the phenomenon are represented and modeled over time from different techniques of mapping and graphic modeling. In parallel, is developed a study of the space-time evolution of the social phenomenon using spatial econometrics to establish the spatial correlations between displacement and armed conflict, from a statistical approach. And in a third component of this research, is developed an analysis of the public policy of the Government of Colombia for attention of the violence\'s victims within the framework of the armed conflict, incorporating as tool of analysis the cartography produced in this research. As part of the results it is verified that the forced displacement is a dynamic phenomenon that is not distributed randomly in space and on the contrary presents a spatial concentration. The cartography shows that the displacement has not had the same behavior over the years; the migrations of people have diminished in the north of the country, increasing the volume in the east and pacific south, approximately from 2008 when this trend is accentuated. In the same way, it is evident that the main destinations of the displaced population are the economic centers and main cities of the country, where the offer of programs of attention and reparation to victims is greater.

Anos de intensos conflitos armado internos resultaram em inúmeros fatos de violência e violações de direitos humanos na Guatemala (1960-1996) e no Peru (1980-2000). Depois do fim destes enfrentamentos se estabeleceram Comissões de Verdade com o fim de investigar o acontecido durante os mesmos e de elaborar relatos que incluíssem as causas dos conflitos, os períodos de violência, os atos de violência perpetrados e as consequências e sequelas dos mesmos na população. Em ambos os países, os principais afetados pela violência foram as populações indígenas, o setor historicamente mais excluído e marginalizado. Nesta dissertação analisa-se comparativamente as abordagens usadas pela Comisión de Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH) da Guatemala e a Comisión de la Verdad (CVR) do Peru nos seus Relatórios Finais para retratar a situação de impacto diferenciado da violência que as mulheres indígenas sofreram durante os enfrentamentos armados internos acontecidos nestes países. Baseados no conceito de colonialidade do poder de Aníbal Quijano e da colonialidade do gênero de María Lugones, buscar-se-á entender a etnia, o gênero e a classe social como fatores de exclusão indissolúveis que repercutiram nas experiências e no impacto diferenciado da violência que sofreram as mulheres indígenas durante os conflitos armados internos acontecidos na Guatemala e no Peru. / Years of intense internal armed conflicts resulted in countless acts of violence and human rights violations in Guatemala (1960-1996) and Peru (1980-2000). After the end of these conflicts, Truth Commissions were established in order to investigate what occurred during these clashes and elaborate reports that would include the causes of the struggles, the periods of violence, the acts of violence that were carried out and the consequences and effects on the population. In both countries the indigenous populations, the most excluded and marginalized historically, were the main victims of horrendous crimes. In this dissertation we compare the approaches that the \"Historical Clarification Truth Commission\" of Guatemala and the \"Truth and Reconciliation Truth Commission\" of Peru used in their Final Reports regarding the differential impact of violence on indigenous women during the armed conflicts that took place in these countries. Based on the concept of coloniality of power by Aníbal and coloniality of gender by María Lugones, we argue that ethnicity, gender and social class are indissoluble factors that greatly influenced the experiences and the singular impact of violence on indigenous women during the armed conflicts in Guatemala and Peru.