Abstract In this study the notion of domestic democratic peace will be examined by using a holistic understanding of internal conflicts. Domestic democratic peace has most commonly been studied by using quantitative methods. This study will be qualitative using an abductive approach when understanding why mature democracies are more stable than other types of regimes. The holistic understanding of internal conflicts used in this study is based on the concepts of relative deprivation, instrumentalisation of politics and politicisation of identity. Burton’s sources of conflict are used to show how relative deprivation can be experienced. The questions to be answered in this essay are as follow: How can the proposed holistic understanding explain why mature democracies are more stable than newly established democracies and autocratic states? - In what ways do mature democracies decrease experience of relative deprivation and thereby safeguarding Burton’s sources of conflict? - In what ways do mature democracies cater to a more peaceful process of politicisation of identity and instrumentalisation of politics?Key Words: domestic democratic peace, holistic understanding of internal conflicts, mature democracies

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been ravished by internal conflicts for the past two decades. These conflicts have come at a great cost to the people of the DRC, often resulting in a number of human rights atrocities. These atrocities range from the loss of life, resulted in internal displacement and creation of refugees’ communities, as well as the destruction of property and infrastructure , all contributing to prevailing conditions of poverty and deep societal divisions. While there are many underlying factors that fuel these conflicts, the key drivers of the conflict are linked to the unequal distribution of the DRC’s national resources and the mismanagement of public services. Intense frustration and a sense of helplessness to change the status quo have repeatedly manifested itself in a cycle of war and ethnic cleansing. In this regard, the pattern of conflicts has been the manifestation of the frustration of the Congolese people as a whole. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010. / A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Do ceasefires during peace negotiations facilitate reaching a peace agreement in internal armed conflicts? Existing case studies offer diverging arguments and mixed empirical evidence for whether ceasefires should precede or come after the more political settlements. In this regard, I argue that ceasefires facilitate that the combatant parties will reach a political deal by increasing mutual trust, alleviating the impact of two critical uncertainties in the negotiation stage: the uncertainty on whether the other party is willing to reach a negotiated settlement, and the uncertainty on whether the other party has the capacity to control their respective armed forces. Using new data on negotiation processes in internal armed conflicts in Africa, between 1989 and 2013, I examine the effect of having a ceasefire during negotiations on the probability of reaching a negotiated accord, while controlling for the levels of violence during the talks as a crucial conditioning factor, as well as for the presence of peacekeepers, and the intervention of a mediator. The results show that early ceasefires have a significant effect on the conclusion of political agreements at the talks, and that this effect is stronger when the talks are surrounded by decreased or null levels of violence.

Esta dissertação se dedica a estudar qual o lugar dos humores no pensamento republicano de Nicolau Maquiavel. Entendendo por humores os grupos de cidadãos que constituem o corpo político grandes/nobres e povo , bem como os desejos e apetites próprios de cada um destes dois grupos, este estudo pretende mostrar como o autor florentino elabora seu pensamento republicano a partir dos conflitos civis, que é efeito da relação entre eles. Partimos da investigação do significado do termo humor na medicina antiga e renascentista, para tentar compreender a apropriação que Maquiavel faz para pensar a dinâmica entre os grupos políticos da cidade. Em seguida, dedica-se a compreender como o florentino elabora o modelo romano, isto é, como justifica a grandiosidade da tumultuosa república, sobretudo a partir dos desejos e apetites dos grupos políticos e das instituições que se originam dos conflitos entre eles. Por último, a análise da decadência romana apresenta a razão do funcionamento deturpado das instituições e o uso de vias extraordinárias para a resolução de conflitos por parte dos grupos políticos. Observa-se que Maquiavel apresenta, a partir da análise da corrupção, as condições necessárias para a fundação de uma república, bem como os efeitos da ambição por bens e do excesso do desejo popular por liberdade que podem, também, provocar a irrupção do processo de corrupção. Logo, este trabalho tenta pensar o modelo republicano de Maquiavel a partir da chave humoral, o que acaba colocando em destaque tanto a relação entre seus grupos internos, como as paixões que os movem. / This dissertation is dedicated to studying what is the place of the humours in Nicolo Machiavelils republican thought. Understanding by humours citizen groups which constitute the political body grandi/nobles and the people , as well as their own desires and appetites, this study aims to show how the Florentine author elaborates his republican thought from the civic conflicts. We start from the investigation of the term humours in Renaissances and ancient medicine to better comprehend Machiavellis appropriation of it to analyze the dynamics between the citys political groups. From then on the idea is to perceive how our Florentine builds up the Roman model, that is, how does he justify the grandeur of the tumultuous republic, especially accounting for the political groups desires and appetites and the institutions which follow from their conflicts. Finally, a study about Roman decadence offers the reasons for the perverted functioning of its institutions and the resulting use of extraordinary ways for conflict resolution. Machiavellis analysis of the corruption shows what conditions are necessary for the foundation of a republic, as well as the effects of property ambition and the popular desire for freedom both can start a corruptive process. Thus, this work offers a reflection on the Machiavellian republic model through its humours, highlighting the relationship between its internal groups and the passions driving each of them.

Esta dissertação se dedica a estudar qual o lugar dos humores no pensamento republicano de Nicolau Maquiavel. Entendendo por humores os grupos de cidadãos que constituem o corpo político grandes/nobres e povo , bem como os desejos e apetites próprios de cada um destes dois grupos, este estudo pretende mostrar como o autor florentino elabora seu pensamento republicano a partir dos conflitos civis, que é efeito da relação entre eles. Partimos da investigação do significado do termo humor na medicina antiga e renascentista, para tentar compreender a apropriação que Maquiavel faz para pensar a dinâmica entre os grupos políticos da cidade. Em seguida, dedica-se a compreender como o florentino elabora o modelo romano, isto é, como justifica a grandiosidade da tumultuosa república, sobretudo a partir dos desejos e apetites dos grupos políticos e das instituições que se originam dos conflitos entre eles. Por último, a análise da decadência romana apresenta a razão do funcionamento deturpado das instituições e o uso de vias extraordinárias para a resolução de conflitos por parte dos grupos políticos. Observa-se que Maquiavel apresenta, a partir da análise da corrupção, as condições necessárias para a fundação de uma república, bem como os efeitos da ambição por bens e do excesso do desejo popular por liberdade que podem, também, provocar a irrupção do processo de corrupção. Logo, este trabalho tenta pensar o modelo republicano de Maquiavel a partir da chave humoral, o que acaba colocando em destaque tanto a relação entre seus grupos internos, como as paixões que os movem. / This dissertation is dedicated to studying what is the place of the humours in Nicolo Machiavelils republican thought. Understanding by humours citizen groups which constitute the political body grandi/nobles and the people , as well as their own desires and appetites, this study aims to show how the Florentine author elaborates his republican thought from the civic conflicts. We start from the investigation of the term humours in Renaissances and ancient medicine to better comprehend Machiavellis appropriation of it to analyze the dynamics between the citys political groups. From then on the idea is to perceive how our Florentine builds up the Roman model, that is, how does he justify the grandeur of the tumultuous republic, especially accounting for the political groups desires and appetites and the institutions which follow from their conflicts. Finally, a study about Roman decadence offers the reasons for the perverted functioning of its institutions and the resulting use of extraordinary ways for conflict resolution. Machiavellis analysis of the corruption shows what conditions are necessary for the foundation of a republic, as well as the effects of property ambition and the popular desire for freedom both can start a corruptive process. Thus, this work offers a reflection on the Machiavellian republic model through its humours, highlighting the relationship between its internal groups and the passions driving each of them.

In a press release from the Swedish church it says that the pressure from people who are in need is increasing on the deacons in Sweden and that it’s getting higher each year. This study contains the search of knowledge about the deacons of the Swedish church, if they actually feel an increasing pressure and in what way, how they are handling the possible pressure from people in need, if that pressure is too high and if the deacons feel that they can assist the people seeking their help. The study also aim to provide more knowledge about the deacons experiences of the opportunities and boundaries (or obstacles) they meet in their line of work and how they handle the boundaries when/if they can’t provide the help that the people need. This is a qualitative study, using interviews as a tool to get the appropriate information to answer the questions at hand. Six deacons in different parishes in Blekinge and Skåne participated and the interviews took place at the parishes. The empirical material has been analyzed thematically. The theoretical viewpoints has been liberation theology, solution focused approach and empowerment. The analysis shows that the deacons experience an increasing pressure from the people seeking help especially from some groups in the community, especially from people feeling lonely. It shows that the deacons especially feel like the people mostly turn to them because they have a need to talk to someone, for example about their difficulties in life. It also shows that the deacons want to be sufficient, enough, and when they leave their work at the end of the day they want to feel that they’ve done everything they can to help the people in need. It also shows that they want to see the boundaries more as challenges to find new solutions. The analysis also shows that the deacons seem to use empowerment and that they have a solution focused approach in their work with the people in need. They also seem to have a viewpoint that looks like liberation theology. When the deacons experience that they have internal conflicts the analysis shows that they use different ways to deal with these. For example retreat, their faith, supervision/tutoring and a balanced free time.

Peacekeeping, which was born as an innovation of the United Nations system in an ad hoc way, has transformed in the post-Cold War. In the post-Cold War era, the number of peacekeeping operations increased, new tasks were introduced and the end goal of the operations has changed. Besides, the prevailing understanding of UN peacekeeping has transformed thereby leading us to use the terms peacebuilding and peace operations rather than mere peacekeeping. While during the Cold War era, peacekeeping meant to supervise the ceasefire after interstate conflicts, in the post-Cold War era, peace operations have been mostly utilised in internal conflicts with a view to bring sustainable peace in the lands of internal conflicts. Furthermore, while during the Cold War era, peacekeeping mainly concerned peace/security and sovereignty upon the conflicts / human security and socio-economic development have been embedded into the agenda of peace operations in the post-Cold War era. This thesis offers two dynamics based on a normative change as the underlying cause behind this transformation. In the post-Cold War era, international norms have changed and brought a new parameter: internal conflicts are to be responded. Based on this normative change, the first dynamic is related with the challenge, which internal conflicts pose for peace operations, and the second dynamic is the rise of liberal internationalism, which tends to organise domestic realms of the states.

Nommer les conflits internes est difficile pour ceux qui vivent de tels événements. Il faut compter avec la censure, la difficulté d’exprimer ce qu’est un conflit de ce type et, surtout, la vision personnelle de chacun. Cette étude a pour objet d’appréhender les dénominations utilisées dans la prose historique (discours / historiographie) par des témoins et / ou des protagonistes à travers l’étude de pages célèbres de conflits internes en Grèce et à Rome (fin de la République). Bien que les époques et les contextes soient différents, la comparaison entre les lexiques utilisés par Thucydide, Xénophon, Polybe, César, Cicéron et Salluste révèle des constantes tant au niveau des notions employées que des techniques de dénominations adoptées. L’étude comparée permet d’approfondir la particularité de chaque langue. Les Grecs recourent à une évocation ancienne, στάσις dont le champ d’emplois, très vaste, demande des étais. A l’époque classique, les dénominations métaphoriques en précisent l’emploi. Mais ces apports s’avèreront par la suite insuffisants et conduiront Polybe à employer d’autres approches de dénominations préfigurant les choix latins futurs. A Rome, autour d’une dénomination nouvelle, bellum ciuile et de son pendant, ciuile bellum, historiens et orateurs multiplient les désignations et exploitent des techniques de dénominations diverses, pour tenter d’imposer leurs conceptions des conflits civils. Plusieurs des évocations exploitées sous l’Empire en seront issues. / Giving a name to civil conflicts is difficult for those who are part of them. One must deal with censorship, the difficulty of talking about a conflict of that kind and, overall, the personal view of each person. The aim of this study is to analyze how witnesses and participants use words in historical literature (speeches, historiography) through the study of famous writings of civil conflicts during Greek and Roman Antiquity (in the late Republic). Though periods and historical situations were different, comparing lexical terms used by Thucydides, Xenophon, Polybius, Caesar, Cicero and Sallust highlights some continuous similarities about exposed concepts and technical naming methods. The comparative study allows us to study particularities of each language. Greeks writers usually use the old word στάσις, whose very large field needs several stays. In classical times, metaphorical wordings clarify its meanings. But these benefits becoming inadequate, Polybius had to use different approaches of designating conflicts, foreshadowing later choices of words by Roman authors. In Roman times, around the new name bellum ciuile, and its equivalent, ciuile bellum, historians and writers multiply words and various ways of naming situations of civil wars, for trying to force upon their understanding of these wars. Several of those words will be exploited under the Empire to follow up this way of imposing one’s conceptions.

In this study the notion of domestic democratic peace will be examined by using a holistic understanding of internal conflicts. Domestic democratic peace has most commonly been studied by using quantitative methods. This study will be qualitative using an abductive approach when understanding why mature democracies are more stable than other types of regimes. The holistic understanding of internal conflicts used in this study is based on the concepts of relative deprivation, instrumentalisation of politics and politicisation of identity. Burton’s sources of conflict are used to show how relative deprivation can be experienced. The questions to be answered in this essay are as follow: How can the proposed holistic understanding explain why mature democracies are more stable than newly established democracies and autocratic states? In what ways do mature democracies decrease experience of relative deprivation and thereby safeguarding Burton’s sources of conflict? In what ways do mature democracies cater to a more peaceful process of politicisation of identity and instrumentalisation of politics?

Bakgrund: Felrekryteringar är ett återkommande företagsekonomiskt problem, där organisationer får stå för dyra konsekvenser när de inträffar. Det finns olika metoder för att undvika felrekryteringar och således har ett fenomen vid namn cyber-vetting fått större uppmärksamhet, vilket är att rekryterare granskar kandidaters sociala medieprofiler för att få en bättre förståelse av kandidaterna. Cyber-vetting medför ett etiskt dilemma, där vissa menar på att det är oetiskt att gå in i människors privata sfär, medan andra i stället menar på att det är nödvändigt att arbetsgivaren får en helhetsbild av kandidaterna som söker.  Syfte: Syftet är att beskriva yngre och äldre rekryterares eventuella likheter och skillnader i deras syn på cyber-vetting, samt deras etiska ståndpunkt kring användandet av fenomenet.  Metod: Studien har innehaft en induktiv ansats. För att kunna beskriva yngre och äldre rekryterares syn på fenomenet, har en kvalitativ komparativ fallstudie utförts, där insamlingsmetod varit semistrukturerade intervjuer. En tematisk analys har genomförts som grundar sig på kvalitativ empiri. Då studien är komparativ genomfördes två separata tematiska analyser, en för yngre och en för äldre.  Slutsats: Studiens slutsats är att det finns både likheter och skillnader mellan yngre och äldre rekryterare i både användandet av cyber-vetting och om de finner det etiskt korrekt eller ej. Interna konflikter med moraliska resonemang, ligger till grund för deras åsikt i frågan och berör fler faktorer än enbart det faktum att rekryteraren har en viss ålder. / Background: Recruitment errors are a recurring business problem, with organizations facing costly consequences when they occur. There are various methods for avoiding recruitment mistakes and thus a phenomenon called cyber-vetting has gained more attention, whereby recruiters review candidates' social media profiles to gain a better understanding of the candidates. Cyber-vetting poses an ethical dilemma, with some arguing that it is unethical to go into people's private sphere, while others argue that it is necessary for the employer to get a complete picture of the candidates applying.  Purpose: The aim is to describe younger and older recruiters' views on cyber-vetting and their ethical stance, and to compare possible similarities and differences.  Method: The study has had an inductive approach. To describe younger and older recruiters' views on the phenomenon, a qualitative comparative case study has been conducted, where the collection method has been semi-structured interviews. A thematic analysis has been conducted based on qualitative empirical data. As the study is comparative, two separate thematic analyses were conducted, one for younger and one for older people.  Conclusion: The study concludes that there are both similarities and differences between younger and older recruiters in both the use of cyber-vetting and whether or not they find it ethically correct. Internal conflicts with moral reasoning underlie their opinion on the matter and involve more factors than just the fact that the recruiter is of a certain age.