Thesis Univ. of Washington, 1996. / Originaltitel: Brave women and fair men, based on thesis. Includes bibliographical references (p. [221]-226) and index.

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Nous avons d’abord entrepris de tracer un tableau de la Norvège en nous reportant à des ouvrages d’auteurs tels Raymond Aron (1905-1983) et son « Guerre et paix entre nations », de Francis Fukuyama (1952-) avec son étude « The Origins of Political Order » [Les origines de l’ordre politique], de Hans Magnus Enzensberger (1929-), auteur de « Norsk utakt » [La Norvège qui marche à contretemps], d’Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906) et son « Peer Gynt », et de nombreux écrits d’Olav Riste (1933-) et d’autres auteurs.A la fin de cette première partie notre analyse a permis d’identifier l’isolationnisme traditionnel et défensif des Norvégiens que nous désignons comme étant du premier degré, puis une seconde forme d’isolationnisme appelé organique et du second degré, car intériorisé et ainsi occulté.Nos sources principales ont été les Comptes rendus de réunions du Comité des Affaires étrangères et de la Constitution au Storting (Parlement) à Oslo.La deuxième partie de cette thèse traite la période de 1940 à 1949 qui se termine par l’adhésion de la Norvège au Pacte atlantique et l’OTAN en 1949, car le pays n’avait tout simplement pas d’autre choix. En troisième partie nous suivons la Norvège dans une phase d’internationalisation profonde de 1950 à 1972 où le pays adhère, de nouveau sous la contrainte, d’abord à l’Association européenne de libre échange puis cherche à se joindre à la Communauté économique européenne. L’échec au référendum sur l’Europe en 1972 est à imputer en très grande partie à son isolationnisme que nous qualifions d’extraordinaire. / We start by building up a portrait of Norway by referring to works by authors such as Raymond Aron (1905-1983) and his «War and peace between nations» [Guerre et paix entre nations], Francis Fukuyama (1952-) with his study of « The Origins of Political Order », Hans Magnus Enzensberger(1929-), author of « Out-of-step Norway » [Norsk utakt], Henrik Ibsen and his « Peer Gynt» as well as numerous writings by Olav Riste (1933-) and other contributors.At the end of this first part our analysis has uncovered the traditional and defensive isolationism of the Norwegians which we qualify as being of the first degree, then a second degree isolationism, organic in character, since it is interiorised and hence hidden.Our main sources are accounts of meetings of the “Committee for Foreign affairs and of the Constitution” at the Storting (Parliament) in Oslo.The second part of this thesis deals with the period from 1940 to 1949 where Norway joined the Atlantic pact and NATO in 1949, quite simply because the country had no other choice. In the third part we look at Norway during her period of opening up to the international community from 1950 to 1972 where the country joins, again because she was forced to, first the European Free Trade area (EFTA), then is a candidate for membership of the European Economic Community (EEC). The loss at the referendum on Europe in 1972 is mostly due to her isolationism that we in the end shall qualify as being extraordinary.

Texte repris d'une thèse de doctorat publiée en 1996 : "Brave women and fair men" : women advocates of U.S. intervention in World War II, 1939-1941 : Thèse de doctorat : Histoire contemporaine : Université de Washington : 1996. / Bibliogr. p. [221]-226. Index.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The global climate is creating more ice-free waters in the Arctic. These new navigation possibilities around the Arctic lead to increased global trade, tourism, and oil and gas exploration. With the foreseeable increased nautical transportation through the Northwest Passage, the United States needs to revisit its security posture in and around the Bering Strait. At least five different grand strategies are potentially relevant in addressing this question. By comparing the suggestions of these leading grand strategy approaches to what has actually been implemented by the United States in the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, and the Panama Canal, similarities emerge that can help the United States shape their strategy for the defending of its national interests in the Bering Strait. By testing the different grand strategies against three reasonably similar cases, I find that a forward military presence and supporting a liberal institutionalist approach are the two key aspects that the United States should employ in the Bering Strait. Increasing and improving the military presence that the United States has in the region should be a top priority. In addition, supporting the Arctic Council would provide an increased level of security to the United States and other nations in the region. This strategy is not without its challenges and it will require artful statecraft in order to be successful.

This thesis’ purpose is to demonstrate, via the examination of popular youth literature (primarily pulp magazines and comic books) from the 1920s through to the 1950s, that the stories found therein drew their definitions of heroism and villainy from an overarching, nativist fear of outsiders that had existed before the Great War, but intensified afterwards. These depictions were transferred to America’s “new” enemies following both the United States’ entry into the Second World War, as well as the early stages of the Cold War. This transference of nativist imagery left behind the ethnically-based origins of such depictions, showing that racism was not the sole and simple reason for such exaggerated visages. A process of change, in regards to America’s nativist sentiment, so virulent after the First World War, will be explained by way of the popular, inexpensive escapism of the time, the pulp magazines and comic books of the early to mid-twentieth century.

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Montana, 2008. / Title from author supplied metadata. Description based on contents viewed on July 6, 2009. Includes bibliographical references.

In my diploma thesis, I provide an analysis of the Munich Agreement and the Czechoslovak crisis from the perspective of the United States of America. My aim is to create comprehensive picture of bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States before and after the signing of the Munich Agreement. Thesis focuses on the diplomatic and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and United States in the period 1936 -- 1938/1939. The introductory part of the thesis is devoted to the phenomenon of isolationism and its influence in shaping the U.S. foreign policy. The main point of the analysis is the attitude of the American public to the Czechoslovak crisis and the Munich Agreement itself. The main hypothesis consists in the assertion that the United States played a major role in the Czechoslovak crisis that preceeded the signing of the Munich Agreement. I am seeking answers to these questions: How did the American public perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? What was the reaction of the U.S. government to the Czechoslovak crisis and the subsequent the Munich Agreement? How did president F. D. Roosevelt perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? In order to find answers to my questions I am using the issued and unissued sources, specialized literature and especially the contemporary press. The thesis has proved that the United States took part in the events that preceded the signing of the Munich Agreement.

Rex Stout maintained his popular readership despite the often controversial and radical political content expressed in his detective fiction. His political ideals often made him many enemies. Stances such as his ardent opposition to censorship, racism, Nazism, Germany, Fascism, Communism, McCarthyism, and the unfettered FBI were potentially offensive to colleagues and readers from various political backgrounds. Yet Stout attempted to present radical messages via the content of his detective fiction with subtlety. As a literary traditionalist, he resisted using his fiction as a platform for an often extreme political agenda. Where political messages are apparent in his work, Stout employs various techniques to mute potentially offensive messages. First, his hugely successful bantering Archie Goodwin-Nero Wolfe detective duo—a combination of both the lippy American and the tidy, sanitary British detective schools—fosters exploration, contradiction, and conflict between political viewpoints. Archie often rejects or criticizes Wolfe's extreme political viewpoints. Second, Stout utilizes the contradictions between values that occur when the form of detective fiction counters his radical political messages. This suggests that the form of detective fiction (in this case the conventional patterns and attitudes reinforced by the genre) is as important as the content (in this case the muted political message or the lack of overt politics) in reinforcing or shaping political, economic, moral, and social viewpoints. An analysis of the novels The Black Mountain (1954) and The Doorbell Rang (1965) and the novellas "Not Quite Dead Enough" and "Booby Trap" (1944) from Stout's Nero Wolfe series demonstrates his use of detective fiction for both the expression of political viewpoints and the muting of those political messages.

This thesis examines American Far Eastern policy from the beginning of the Franklin Roosevelt presidency through the early months of 1938. This study is chiefly concerned with the attack by Japanese aircraft on the USS Panay and its effect on the course of U.S. foreign policy. Particular attention is paid to the Anglo-American dialogue which occurred throughout the Far Eastern Crisis. Prior to the end of 1938, the U.S. administration’s position in Asia was dictated both by policies inherited from preceding administrations and by the extreme isolationism of the American people. This foundation effectively inhibited any cooperation with foreign powers. Relying on a reactive policy in the Far East, Washington remained aloof from entanglement as the President sought a plan which would permit U.S. involvement without inviting isolationist wrath. This paper traces an evolution in American Far Eastern policy, highlighting the Panay incident as a distinctly identifiable turning point whereby isolationism gave way to internationalism.