Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou. / The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.

O objetivo da pesquisa foi buscar, por meio de um estudo aprofundado, informações relevantes da ação política do Apostolado Positivista do Brasil na transição entre a Monarquia e a República. O recorte temporal (1889-1891) remete o trabalho ao período do primeiro governo da república, chamado de governo provisório, que teve como Presidente, o Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca. O trabalho foi dividido em três capítulos: o primeiro ressalta o contexto do surgimento do pensamento positivista por intermédio da atuação de seu mentor Augusto Comte no debate intelectual da França. A partir disso, destacam-se aspectos que servem para esclarecer a cisão entre positivistas ortodoxos e heterodoxos e posteriormente, como as idéias positivistas se espalharam no contexto brasileiro. No mesmo capítulo, foi ressaltado ainda, o surgimento da Igreja Positivista do Brasil, as trajetórias de Miguel Lemos e Raimundo Teixeira Mendes até assumirem a direção e vice-direção do Apostolado. No segundo foi apresentada a ação política do Apostolado na tentativa de encaminhar o governo provisório para um regime político de ditadura definitiva. Tendo seu projeto político fracassado, o grupo passou a defender o cumprimento de artigos da constituição de 1891, que por diferentes motivos tivessem aspectos que se assemelhavam com a política tida pelo Apostolado como adequada. No terceiro foi mostrada a influência do positivismo em diferentes temas importantes no Brasil naquele momento, como, ensino, separação entre Estado e Igreja e movimento trabalhista. A persistência do lema positivista ordem e progresso na bandeira nacional até hoje, está entre os símbolos desta militância ortodoxa. Os membros do Apostolado Positivista não tiveram seu projeto de ditadura sacramentado apesar do forte influência da doutrina positivista no Brasil por dois aspectos, o primeiro por seguirem a recomendação de Comte de negar cargos políticos, o segundo pela doutrina positivista não ser orgânica a oligarquia cafeeira que iria nortear as bases de estruturação do país. / The aim was to seek, through a thorough, relevant information of political action of Positivist Apostolate of Brazil in the transition between the Monarchy and the Republic. The time period (1889-1891) refers to the period the work of the first government of the republic, called provisional government, which had the President, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca. The work was divided into three chapters: the first emphasizes the context of the rise of positivist thinking through the actions of his mentor Auguste Comte in the intellectual debate in France. From this, we highlight aspects that serve to clarify the division between orthodox and heterodox positivists and later, as the positivist ideas spread in the Brazilian context. In the same chapter, it was also pointed out, the rise of the Positivist Church of Brazil, the trajectories of Miguel Lemos and Raimundo Teixeira Mendes to take direction and vice-director of the Apostolate. In the second was presented the political action of the Apostolate in an attempt to forward the interim government for a definitive political regime of dictatorship. Having failed his political project, the group began to advocate the implementation of articles of the constitution of 1891, which for different reasons had aspects that were similar to the policy taken by the apostolate as adequate. In third was shown the influence of positivism in different important topics at that time in Brazil, such as education, separation of church and state and the labor movement. The persistence of positivist motto "order and progress" in the national flag today, is among the symbols of Orthodox militancy. The members of the Positivist Apostolate had no your project Sacrament of dictatorship despite the strong influence of positivist doctrine in Brazil by two ways, first by following the recommendation of Comte to deny political office, the second by the positivist doctrine isn?t organic with a coffee oligarchy that would guide the base structure of the country.

O objetivo da pesquisa foi buscar, por meio de um estudo aprofundado, informações relevantes da ação política do Apostolado Positivista do Brasil na transição entre a Monarquia e a República. O recorte temporal (1889-1891) remete o trabalho ao período do primeiro governo da república, chamado de governo provisório, que teve como Presidente, o Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca. O trabalho foi dividido em três capítulos: o primeiro ressalta o contexto do surgimento do pensamento positivista por intermédio da atuação de seu mentor Augusto Comte no debate intelectual da França. A partir disso, destacam-se aspectos que servem para esclarecer a cisão entre positivistas ortodoxos e heterodoxos e posteriormente, como as idéias positivistas se espalharam no contexto brasileiro. No mesmo capítulo, foi ressaltado ainda, o surgimento da Igreja Positivista do Brasil, as trajetórias de Miguel Lemos e Raimundo Teixeira Mendes até assumirem a direção e vice-direção do Apostolado. No segundo foi apresentada a ação política do Apostolado na tentativa de encaminhar o governo provisório para um regime político de ditadura definitiva. Tendo seu projeto político fracassado, o grupo passou a defender o cumprimento de artigos da constituição de 1891, que por diferentes motivos tivessem aspectos que se assemelhavam com a política tida pelo Apostolado como adequada. No terceiro foi mostrada a influência do positivismo em diferentes temas importantes no Brasil naquele momento, como, ensino, separação entre Estado e Igreja e movimento trabalhista. A persistência do lema positivista ordem e progresso na bandeira nacional até hoje, está entre os símbolos desta militância ortodoxa. Os membros do Apostolado Positivista não tiveram seu projeto de ditadura sacramentado apesar do forte influência da doutrina positivista no Brasil por dois aspectos, o primeiro por seguirem a recomendação de Comte de negar cargos políticos, o segundo pela doutrina positivista não ser orgânica a oligarquia cafeeira que iria nortear as bases de estruturação do país. / The aim was to seek, through a thorough, relevant information of political action of Positivist Apostolate of Brazil in the transition between the Monarchy and the Republic. The time period (1889-1891) refers to the period the work of the first government of the republic, called provisional government, which had the President, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca. The work was divided into three chapters: the first emphasizes the context of the rise of positivist thinking through the actions of his mentor Auguste Comte in the intellectual debate in France. From this, we highlight aspects that serve to clarify the division between orthodox and heterodox positivists and later, as the positivist ideas spread in the Brazilian context. In the same chapter, it was also pointed out, the rise of the Positivist Church of Brazil, the trajectories of Miguel Lemos and Raimundo Teixeira Mendes to take direction and vice-director of the Apostolate. In the second was presented the political action of the Apostolate in an attempt to forward the interim government for a definitive political regime of dictatorship. Having failed his political project, the group began to advocate the implementation of articles of the constitution of 1891, which for different reasons had aspects that were similar to the policy taken by the apostolate as adequate. In third was shown the influence of positivism in different important topics at that time in Brazil, such as education, separation of church and state and the labor movement. The persistence of positivist motto "order and progress" in the national flag today, is among the symbols of Orthodox militancy. The members of the Positivist Apostolate had no your project Sacrament of dictatorship despite the strong influence of positivist doctrine in Brazil by two ways, first by following the recommendation of Comte to deny political office, the second by the positivist doctrine isn?t organic with a coffee oligarchy that would guide the base structure of the country.

Analisamos neste trabalho como as transformações econômicas e sociais, que ocorreram no Segundo Reinado, contribuíram para desestabilizar a ordem imperial e, ao mesmo tempo, fortalecer o movimento republicano. As mudanças relacionadas à manutenção do trabalho escravo, que se colocava como o principal pilar de sustentação da ordem imperial, desencadearam necessidades divergentes que não podiam ser satisfatoriamente atendidas pela monarquia brasileira. Com isso, o movimento republicano que se organiza a partir de 1870 busca nas fragilidades do Império o seu espaço de atuação. Os republicanos, sentindo-se excluídos do jogo político imperial, viram na República Federativa a alternativa para a centralização política e administrativa do Império. Mas, é em São Paulo, onde os efeitos negativos dessa centralização eram mais sentidos, que se desenvolve o partido republicano mais forte e organizado do movimento. O republicano paulista Alberto Sales, dialogando com a insatisfação da elite econômica de São Paulo, envolve-se no trabalho doutrinário, que tinha como objetivo construir um programa capaz de orientar a ação republicana e torná-la coesa. Entretanto, os rumos que a República tomou na sua primeira década de vigência contribuíram para que esse propagandista paulista se desencantasse com ela. Buscamos aqui explorar o contexto político, econômico e social em que o movimento republicano emerge e investigar, a partir da teoria que orientou o movimento em São Paulo, as razões que poderiam explicar o desencantamento de um dos seus principais propagandistas com a República que se efetivou. / The objective of this paper is to analyze how the economical and social changes which occurred in the Second Empire helped to destabilize the imperial order and, at the same time, strengthen the republican movement. The changes related to the maintenance of slavery, which was the foundation of the imperial order, yielded divergent needs that could not be met satisfactorily by the Brazilian monarchy. Thus, the republican movement that became organized after 1870 tried to find in the empires´ weaknesses its field of action. The republicans, feeling excluded from the imperial political game, saw in the Federal Republic an alternative for the administrative and political centralization of the Empire. But, in Sao Paulo, where the negative effects of this centralization were most seriously felt, the strongest and best organized Republican Party arose. Alberto Sales, a republican from Sao Paulo, conversing with the dissatisfied economically elite there, got involved in political indoctrination to build a program capable of guiding the republican action and making it consistent. Nevertheless, the direction taken by the Republic in its first decade led the propagandist Alberto Sales to disappointment. We wish here to explore the political, economical and social contexts in which the republican movement emerged and to investigate, by taking as a starting point the theory that guided the movement in Sao Paulo, the reasons that could explain the disappointment of one of the Republic\'s most important propagandists.

This thesis examines figural representations of foreign peoples and places on Roman coinage. An accompanying appendix thoroughly catalogues this imagery between its earliest extant appearance in approximately 138 B.C. and the death of Domitian in 96 A.D. A systematic survey makes it possible to nuance existing narratives of the development of this imagery that privileged the late first and early second centuries A.D. as the key moments of change by revealing considerable diversity and innovation in the earlier period. A second contribution is methodological, highlighting the need for contextual analysis of individual issues to supplement the typological approach that has dominated earlier scholarship. Chapter One focuses on image types produced between 138-31 B.C. This was a particularly vibrant period for the production of these images and the chapter reveals a diverse spectrum of imagery. This contrasts sharply with previous assessments that characterised the period as dominated by images of submission. Chapter Two concentrates on Augustan imperial coinage (31 B.C.-14 A.D.) and identifies a shift towards more consistent usage of submissive imagery. Chapter Three highlights a significant decline in the use of images of foreign peoples and places on imperial coinage minted by the Julio-Claudian successors (14-68 A.D.). Chapter Four identifies a dramatic, albeit inconsistent, resurgence in the use of personifications of foreign peoples and places on coinage minted by competing imperial claimants during the civil wars of 68-69 A.D. Chapter Five focuses on Flavian imperial coinage (69-96 A.D.) and uncovers a significant resurgence in captive imagery. It identifies a new blurring of the lines between the iconographic traditions of captives and personifications of peoples and places. This blending of the two traditions lays important foundations for subsequent imagery on Trajanic imperial coinage.

En France, les analyses du modèle républicain d’intégration en histoire ou en philosophie politique ont très bien décrit les principes politiques et les valeurs qui sont au cœur de ce modèle, mais elles ont rarement débouché sur des analyses empiriques concrètes permettant de dépasser la réflexion théorique. Ainsi, nous disposons de très peu d’informations concernant les aspects psychologiques du modèle républicain. Cette thèse est structurée en trois chapitres composés au total de sept études empiriques distinctes. Elle cherche à répondre à deux questions fondamentales: 1) Quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent la forte adhésion des individus aux principes républicains d’égalité et de laïcité? et 2) quelles sont les incidences de cette adhésion pour le vivre ensemble? Dans le premier chapitre, deux études examinent la nature et la signification des principes républicains dans l’esprit des individus. Les résultats confirment la très forte adhésion des individus au modèle républicain, qu’il s’agisse d’enseignants de collèges et de lycées (N = 82, étude 1), ou d’étudiants à l’université dans des facultés aussi différentes que la psychologie (N = 72) ou le droit (N = 234, étude 2). En utilisant une mesure de l’attachement à la laïcité, distincte d’une mesure de l’adhésion à des principes qui caractérisent théoriquement la laïcité, l’étude 2 met en évidence, pour la première fois à notre connaissance, l’importance de distinguer deux conceptions de la laïcité: la laïcité historique égalitaire axée sur la liberté de conscience et l’égalité de respect à l’égard de toutes les croyances, rejoignant ainsi le principe d’égalité citoyenne, et la nouvelle laïcité qui valorise la relégation des pratiques religieuses à l’espace privé et l'interdiction du port de signes religieux ostensibles dans les espaces publics. Dans le deuxième chapitre, trois études examinent les facteurs psychologiques sous-jacents à l’attachement aux principes républicains (études 1, 2 et 3, chapitre 2). Comme prévu, les résultats montrent, auprès d’un échantillon représentatif de la population française (N = 1001) que l’égalité républicaine et la nouvelle laïcité sont des variables qui expliquent une part significative des préjugés anti-immigrés au delà des facteurs considérés habituellement en sociologie ou en psychologie sociale. De plus, alors que les personnes égalitaires adhérent normalement davantage à ces principes républicains que les personnes inégalitaires, les résultats montrent aussi que les personnes qui cherchent à maintenir les inégalités et la hiérarchie sociale entre les groupes se disent très attachées à la laïcité lorsqu’elles se sentent menacées culturellement (étude 1, chapitre 2), lorsqu’elles sont dans une situation potentiellement menaçante (étude 2, chapitre 2) ou lorsqu’on induit expérimentalement une menace culturelle ou symbolique (étude 3, chapitre 2). Ces résultats confirment l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’adhésion à la laïcité est malléable et peut servir de moyen socialement acceptable de parvenir à certains objectifs socialement indésirables. Le troisième et dernier chapitre porte sur le rôle de l’école dans la transmission des principes républicains. Deux études (étude 1 auprès de 300 collégiens et lycéens; étude 2 impliquant plus de 1000 élèves) valident un modèle théorique proposant que l’école publique en France a des effets importants sur l’adhésion aux principes d’égalité républicaine et de nouvelle laïcité et que les effets de l’école sur les préjugés anti-immigrés sont médiatisés par l’adhésion à ces principes. On note cependant une évolution à travers le temps, avec un déclin de l’influence du principe de l’égalité républicaine et une augmentation du rôle joué par la nouvelle laïcité. La discussion souligne les implications théoriques et pédagogiques de ces résultats. / In France, research in history and political philosophy has produced a body of knowledge describing the values and principles that are at the heart of the « republican model of integration ». However, this work has been theoretical and conceptual in nature such that we have in fact very little knowledge about the psychological aspects of the republican model. This thesis is organized in three chapters that present in total seven distinct empirical studies It addressed two major questions: 1) What factors explain the strong support that is observed in France for the principle of republican equality and laïcité? and 2) what are the consequences of this support for prejudice and intergroup relations? In chapter one, the research confirms this strong endorsement of the republican principles among teachers in high schools (Study 1, N = 82) or among university students in widely different fields of study such as psychology (N = 72) or law (N = 234, Study 2). Using a measure of attachment to laïcité that is distinct from a measure of support for principles that are theoretically linked with laïcité, Study 2 showed, for the first time to our knowledge, the distinction between two types of laïcité: an historic laïcité based on freedom of conscience and equality of respects for all beliefs and a new laïcité that emphasizes the need for keep religion private and to ban conspicuous religious signs from public places. In chapter two, three studies examined the psychological motives underlying attachment to the republican principles. As expected, it was shown first, among a representative sample of the French population (N = 1001), that support for republican equality and new laïcité are two variables that explain variance in antiimmigrant prejudice over and above factors that are usually considered in sociology or social psychology. Moreover, whereas egalitarian individuals are usually more supportive of these principles compared to inegalitarians, the results also showed that people who wish to maintain group-based inequality and the social hierarchy becomes strong supporters of laïcité when they perceive an intergroup threat of a symbolic nature (Study 1, chapter two), when they are in a situation of intergroup threat (Study 2, chapter two), or when an intergroup threat of a symbolic type is experimentally induced (Study 3, chapter 2). These results confirm the hypothesis that laïcité is a malleable ideology that can be used as a socially accepted mean of defending a socially undesirable agenda. The third and last chapter of the thesis examined the role of the school in the process of cultural transmission. Study 1 of chapter three (N = 300 pupils) and Study 2 of chapter three (N = more than 1000 pupils) supported a theoretical model proposing that public schools in France lead to a stronger support for republican principles and that this process of cultural transmission mediates the effects of schooling on anti-immigrant prejudice. A decline in the impact of republican equality and a corresponding increase in the impact of new laïcité was however observed. The discussion outlines the theoretical and pedagogical implications of these results.

The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I is an introduction to the field of study and comprises only one chapter. This chapter includes short accounts of the geographical positions and the inhabitants of Zambia and Malawi. Part II deals with the constitutional history of the two countries from the introduction of European administration in the last decade of the nineteenth century to their attainment of independence in 1964--a period of seventy years. Zambia and Malawi are new states and a study of their Constitutions would not be properly appreciated if it were not to cover fairly fully the past that bore the present. Part III, which is the main section of the study, deals with the provisions of the present Constitutions of the two countries. It is divided into sixteen chapters. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LLD (Constitutional Law, Public International Law and Labour Law)

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-10T12:52:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Otoniel Pacheco da Cunha_.pdf: 3407911 bytes, checksum: 249372af96a89ccc0787f8a23798bb8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-18 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O médico e político Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienciou uma carreira política de relevo durante a Primeira República. Neste período, ocupou os cargos de deputado estadual, vice-presidente e presidente do estado e senador. No entanto, acreditamos que o sucesso político experimentado durante o período republicano só foi possível pela ascensão do Partido Republicano Rio-grandense (PRR) ao poder – ocasionada pela Proclamação da República – e também porque Barbosa possuía os requisitos necessários para tanto. Sendo assim, o objetivo deste trabalho é investigar quais recursos (econômicos, políticos, sociais e simbólicos) Barbosa herdou e empenhou-se em adquirir para que pudesse ocupar a posição de líder político local de Jaguarão, bem como ter sucesso em outras esferas políticas durante o período republicano. Para que isso fosse possível, analisamos – através de inúmeros tipos de fontes – diferentes momentos, tanto dos Gonçalves da Silva, quanto de Barbosa. Com relação aos antecedentes familiares, investigamos as relações da família com Jaguarão e a Guerra dos Farrapos, como também a situação econômica familiar. Quando tratamos especificamente de Barbosa, o acompanhamos nos estudos realizados no Rio de Janeiro, na propaganda republicana em Jaguarão e também a atuação médica. / The doctor and politician Carlos Barbosa Gonçalves experienced a political career of relief during the First Republic. During this period, he held the positions of state deputy, state president and senator. However, we believe that the political success experienced during the republican period was only possible by the rise of the Rio-grandense Republican Party (PRR) to power – occasioned by the Proclamation of the Republic – and also because Barbosa had the necessary requirements for it. Thus, the objective of this work is to investigate which resources (economic, political, social and symbolic) Barbosa inherited and committed himself to acquire so that he could occupy the position of local political leader of Jaguarão, as well as to succeed in other political spheres during the republican period. For this to be possible, we analyzed – through many types of sources – different moments, both from Gonçalves da Silva and Barbosa. Regarding the family history, we investigated the family's relations with Jaguarão and the Farrapos War, as well as the familiar economic situation. When we deal specifically with Barbosa, we accompany him in his studies in Rio de Janeiro, in republican propaganda in Jaguarão, and also in medical practice.

After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, urban planning was one of the main instruments for the development of national economy. In this respect, urban plans for numerous cities and towns were prepared between 1923 and 1940 in Turkey. This thesis reveals the reflections of Republican ideology to urban planning principles. The aims of this study are to clarify the political concepts that were active in the Early Republican Period, translation of political concepts to spatial context and to reveal the relation between urban planning experiences and political ideology between 1923 and 1940 in the Republic of Turkey. For this reason, this thesis study examines the construction of Republican ideology in city space via urban planning. The construction of the Republican Revolution in city space is examined in terms of planning practices and evolution of urbanism. The examples of cities planned at that period are evaluated in the context of political ideals and planning principles that were operative in urban planning between 1923 and 1940 in Turkey.

The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I is an introduction to the field of study and comprises only one chapter. This chapter includes short accounts of the geographical positions and the inhabitants of Zambia and Malawi. Part II deals with the constitutional history of the two countries from the introduction of European administration in the last decade of the nineteenth century to their attainment of independence in 1964--a period of seventy years. Zambia and Malawi are new states and a study of their Constitutions would not be properly appreciated if it were not to cover fairly fully the past that bore the present. Part III, which is the main section of the study, deals with the provisions of the present Constitutions of the two countries. It is divided into sixteen chapters. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD (Constitutional Law, Public International Law and Labour Law)