O presente estudo tem por objeto a possibilidade de reconhecimento do vínculo laboral para o trabalho da prostituta, sendo sufragada a tese de que o objeto contratual, na prestação de serviços sexuais, é lícito e, por conseguinte, há a possibilidade, se presentes a onerosidade, permanência, pessoalidade e subordinação, de reconhecimento do vínculo empregatício para o trabalho da prostituta. A tese, portanto, é de que a prostituta faz jus ao pagamento de todas as verbas trabalhistas previstas na legislação laboral, tais como décimo terceiro salário, férias acrescidas de um terço, horas extraordinárias, adicional noturno, Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço, dentre tantos outros direitos, como qualquer outro trabalhador subordinado. Além disto, será ainda destinatária de políticas públicas que visem assegurar um meio ambiente de trabalho hígido e seguro, devendo ser observadas as Normas Regulamentadoras expedidas pelo Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego, bem como outras normas de medicina, saúde e segurança do trabalho que vierem a ser editadas. Conquanto o presente trabalho se refira em inúmeras oportunidades apenas às prostitutas, utilizando o substantivo no feminino, em verdade são abrangidos os exercentes da atividade de ambos os sexos, sem qualquer distinção, desde que exerçam a profissão voluntariamente e sejam maiores de dezoito anos. As metodologias utilizadas, precipuamente, foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a pesquisa documental. A pesquisa bibliográfica envolveu a busca de livros, monografias, teses, dissertações, artigos pulicados em revistas especializadas, jornais e revistas, e teve a precaução de incluir os fundamentos das vertentes contrárias, em busca dos alicerces para firmar o novo entendimento sobre o tema, especialmente quanto à possibilidade de reconhecimento do vínculo empregatício para o trabalho da prostituta. / This research is about the possibility of recognizing the employment bond for prostitutes labor, after covering the theory that defends the contractual object, on provision of sexual services, is lawful and if exists burden, permanence, personality and subordination, the employment bond of prostitutes can be recognized. This theory says that prostitute is entitled to be paid for all the payroll amounts provided on labor legislation as extra month salary, holiday plus a third, overtime, additional nightly working time, Time of Service Guarantee Fund (FGTS), between other rights that any other subordinate employee has. Furthermore, public policies aimed at ensuring a working environment healthy and with insurance (Regulatory Standards issued by the Ministry of Labor and Employment should be observed, as well as other rules of medicine, health and safety that may be published) will be addressed to this employment bond. Although this work refers the word prostitute in a female way, in fact it refers both sexes without distinction, as far as they are engaged in that occupation voluntarily and are over 18 (eighteen) years. The methodologies used on this paper are literature and documentary research. The literature review involved a search of books, monographs, theses, dissertations, articles published in professional journals, newspapers and magazines. This work has been made with care and including the fundamentals of contrary theories, looking for the foundations to start a new view of the subject, especially regarding recognition of the mentioned employment bond of prostitutes.

This thesis examines if auditors, managers and workers see certification and auditing as tools to improve working conditions in the Kenyan cut flower industry. It scrutinizes if mentioned stakeholders think that certification has been effective, since the state of working conditions of the industry were brought to attention in 2002 by academics and non-governmental organizations. The study further examines what different stakeholders see as challenges with the certification process as well as with the auditing process. The theoretical framework for the study consists of several theories from previous studies, including Gereffi’s buyer-driven value chain and Barrientos and Smith’s distinction between outcome standards and process rights. The study is partly a literature review but focus of the study is on the findings from ten semi-structured interviews. Among the stakeholder groups there was not one commonly expressed understanding on if certification and auditing had improved the working conditions. All three stakeholders emphasized some positive changes because of certification although they saw remaining challenges with for example freedom of association and increasing the level of wages to becoming living wages. The main findings in the study support Barrientos and Smith’s distinction and certification and auditing are argued not to be effective tools alone to reach improvements in the industry.

Abstact Study on Labor Rights and Legal System in PRC.¡ÐA Learning from Taiwan. The issue about Labor rights in PRC is really important.In this thesis the author attempts to make a learning from Taiwan because the legal system in Taiwan is more complete. Key words: Labor Contract,Labor Law,Labor Rights,Legal system,Mainland China

O presente estudo tem por objeto a possibilidade de reconhecimento do vínculo laboral para o trabalho da prostituta, sendo sufragada a tese de que o objeto contratual, na prestação de serviços sexuais, é lícito e, por conseguinte, há a possibilidade, se presentes a onerosidade, permanência, pessoalidade e subordinação, de reconhecimento do vínculo empregatício para o trabalho da prostituta. A tese, portanto, é de que a prostituta faz jus ao pagamento de todas as verbas trabalhistas previstas na legislação laboral, tais como décimo terceiro salário, férias acrescidas de um terço, horas extraordinárias, adicional noturno, Fundo de Garantia por Tempo de Serviço, dentre tantos outros direitos, como qualquer outro trabalhador subordinado. Além disto, será ainda destinatária de políticas públicas que visem assegurar um meio ambiente de trabalho hígido e seguro, devendo ser observadas as Normas Regulamentadoras expedidas pelo Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego, bem como outras normas de medicina, saúde e segurança do trabalho que vierem a ser editadas. Conquanto o presente trabalho se refira em inúmeras oportunidades apenas às prostitutas, utilizando o substantivo no feminino, em verdade são abrangidos os exercentes da atividade de ambos os sexos, sem qualquer distinção, desde que exerçam a profissão voluntariamente e sejam maiores de dezoito anos. As metodologias utilizadas, precipuamente, foram a pesquisa bibliográfica e a pesquisa documental. A pesquisa bibliográfica envolveu a busca de livros, monografias, teses, dissertações, artigos pulicados em revistas especializadas, jornais e revistas, e teve a precaução de incluir os fundamentos das vertentes contrárias, em busca dos alicerces para firmar o novo entendimento sobre o tema, especialmente quanto à possibilidade de reconhecimento do vínculo empregatício para o trabalho da prostituta. / This research is about the possibility of recognizing the employment bond for prostitutes labor, after covering the theory that defends the contractual object, on provision of sexual services, is lawful and if exists burden, permanence, personality and subordination, the employment bond of prostitutes can be recognized. This theory says that prostitute is entitled to be paid for all the payroll amounts provided on labor legislation as extra month salary, holiday plus a third, overtime, additional nightly working time, Time of Service Guarantee Fund (FGTS), between other rights that any other subordinate employee has. Furthermore, public policies aimed at ensuring a working environment healthy and with insurance (Regulatory Standards issued by the Ministry of Labor and Employment should be observed, as well as other rules of medicine, health and safety that may be published) will be addressed to this employment bond. Although this work refers the word prostitute in a female way, in fact it refers both sexes without distinction, as far as they are engaged in that occupation voluntarily and are over 18 (eighteen) years. The methodologies used on this paper are literature and documentary research. The literature review involved a search of books, monographs, theses, dissertations, articles published in professional journals, newspapers and magazines. This work has been made with care and including the fundamentals of contrary theories, looking for the foundations to start a new view of the subject, especially regarding recognition of the mentioned employment bond of prostitutes.

This politically engaged project locally grounds the efforts of low-wage workers in the United States who are addressing the nationwide epidemic of wage theft by focusing on the particular experience of organized hospitality cleaning workers at a worker center in Nashville, Tennessee. While being both collaborative and reflexive, this activist anthropological research utilizes observant participation, in-depth interviews, and organizational and archival research to explore the issues identified by members and organizers at the worker center, illustrate the alternative theories of change being generated from grassroots labor organizing efforts in light of state mechanisms that do not protect all workers, and to investigate the complex intersections of activism and academia in research settings. This study shows that wage theft is a more nuanced problem than an economic burden alone, that organized low-wage and immigrant workers are changing the landscape of U.S. labor organizing, and that academic-worker justice collaborations hold promising implications for social change.

The gig economy has rapidly become something of a phenomenon in the digital economy today. New firms are quickly being added to this digital market ecosphere and the business model has garnered the attention of the business and investor communities as a new organizational alternative to standard hierarchies. However this new business model also poses substantial problems for its workers, who as independent contractors are not afforded the benefits or rights of the welfare state that are granted to employees. As the gig economy continues to achieve financial success and holds a more prominent place in our labor force, the precarious state of gig labor is becoming an increasingly political problem. This thesis explores the present state of labor in the gig economy by situating it within the context of welfare state scholarship. I examine how the inner mechanics of the gig economy operate, as well as examine the structures of the American welfare state that create this dualist divide between contractors and employees. I argue that welfare state scholarship demonstrates a path by which gig laborers and gig firms can form cross class alliances that can help develop new welfare state policies to improve gig worker conditions and be supported by gig firms themselves. / Master of Arts / The gig economy has rapidly become something of a phenomenon in the digital economy today. New firms are quickly being added to this digital market ecosphere and the business model has garnered the attention of the business and investor communities as a new organizational alternative to standard hierarchies. However this new business model also poses substantial problems for its workers, who as independent contractors are not afforded the benefits or rights of the welfare state that are granted to employees. As the gig economy continues to achieve financial success and holds a more prominent place in our labor force, the precarious state of gig labor is becoming an increasingly political problem. This thesis explores the present state of labor in the gig economy by situating it within the context of welfare state scholarship. I examine how the inner mechanics of the gig economy operate, as well as examine the structures of the American welfare state that create this dualist divide between contractors and employees. I argue that welfare state scholarship demonstrates a path by which gig laborers and gig firms can form cross class alliances that can help develop new welfare state policies to improve gig worker conditions and be supported by gig firms themselves.

This study analyzes and maps barriers preventing Sri Lankan female workers in Export Processing Zones (EPZs) from participating in awareness raising activities by NGOs. These barriers can furthermore be discussed as preventing them from an enhanced empowerment. The gathered data is mostly based on interviews conducted during a three-week long fieldtrip in Sri Lanka. By using both a literature analysis on the field of research together with group interviews with both female EPZ workers as well as with personnel from a women’s organization in Sri Lanka the study identifies five barriers hindering the women’s participation; time and distance; lack of motivation or interest; limited knowledge of the organization; someone opposing the choice; and fear of loosing the employment. The study derives the root-causes of the barriers to the current social norms and roles, which are internalized in the young women’s mind from their background as well as through the reproduction of them in their new environment, but also to EPZs as discouraging an improvement of the women’s situation.

In the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, lapses in federal policy-making and a lack of state level enforcement paved the way for employer exploitation of predominantly Latino migrant workers, transforming working-class Latino newcomers into the newest class of storm victims in post-Katrina New Orleans. In essence, a "rebuild above all else" recovery scenario took hold between 2005-2007 in which immediate reconstruction of the city took priority over the participation of local, African-American workers and the protection of immigrant worker rights. Despite their disadvantaged position, however, migrant workers did not remain passive victims to injustice but actively organized against employer abuse and intimidation by law enforcement and immigration officials. Latino worker activists and their allies sternly rejected the “rebuild above all else” recovery model championed by local, state and federal government policies and sought to carve out an alternative rebuilding model that respected immigrant labor rights.

O presente trabalho tem por objeto central o estudo do fenômeno da terceirização, propondo uma análise a partir de diferentes enfoques a fim de compreendê-lo de forma integral. Inicialmente, apresenta-se uma reconstrução histórica para entendermos os fatores determinantes em sua origem, bem como os interesses por trás de sua disseminação. Em sequência, são apresentadas as alterações jurídicas promovidas tanto pelo Poder Legislativo quanto pelo Judiciário que, se primeiro proibiram a terceirização- porquanto contrária ao ordenamento jurídico pátrio -, a seguir foram alterando seu posicionamento e cedendo espaço à sua utilização até que alcançasse o estado atual de ampla disseminação. O estudo prossegue apresentando a forma como esse mecanismo de gestão da mão de obra é aplicado na prática, bem como os efeitos gerados aos atores envolvidos: empresas, sindicatos e trabalhadores. Por fim, tendo em mente os direitos e princípios fundamentais constantes de nossa Constituição Federal, bem como a realidade produzida pela terceirização e sua ampla aceitação através do desmonte promovido em nosso ordenamento jurídico, o presente estudo propõe sugestões de solução ao rastro de precarização da classe operária, baseando-se não em sugestões a serem legisladas, mas na interpretação jurídica a partir da consideração de princípios constitucionais e específicos do Direito do Trabalho e demais regras já positivas em nosso ordenamento. / This work is a study about the outsourcing phenomenon wich proposes an analysis based on different approaches in order to fully understand it. Initially, it presents a historical reconstruction to understand the determining factors in their origin, as well the interests behind its propagation. In sequence, the study presents the legal changes promoted by both, the Legislative and the Judiciary, which were the first to ban outsourcing - because contrary to the brazilian juridical system -, afterwards changed their position and gave way to its use until it reached the current state of wide dissemination. The study goes on presenting how this new mechanism of labor management is actually applied in practice, as well as their effects to all the parts involved in the process: companies, trade unions and workers. Finally, bearing in mind the fundamental rights and principles contained in our Federal Constitution, as well as the reality produced by outsourcing and its wide acceptance throughout the dismantling promoted in our legal system, this study offers suggestions for solutions to the precarious path that is being traced to working class, based on suggestions not to be legislated, but based upon the legal interpretation, specially from the constitutional principles and specific labor rights and other laws already positive in our juridical system.

大陸自改革開放30年來，經濟成長突飛猛進，每年GDP成長率幾乎獨步全球，近年來更將從全球的世界工廠轉為世界市場，但2010年台商鴻海集團旗下大陸子公司富士康國際發生多起員工跳樓自殺事件，之後又發生後續一連串勞工抗議薪資過低，要求比照富士康企業加薪，以維護勞動權益的罷工事件。本研究認為中國大陸與勞工相關的勞動制度、分配制度、戶籍制度與政治制度，制度間的扞格衝突形成了替富士康工作的農民工自殺的背景因素。由於先天上缺乏自由組織工會與罷工的權利，僅有個人力量的勞動者無足夠的權利與保障以對抗資方的剝削，工人只能一而再、再而三地將勞資爭議或衝突外部化，尋求體制外力量的幫助，加上種種貧富不均、戶籍制度上等社會不公，導致逐漸加劇的勞工維權運動。 從富士康事件可以看出，黨國基於己身鞏固政權的目的，維持對社會既有的控制力，不僅剝奪全體勞工的集體權利，也間接剝奪了勞工向資本家主張工資福利的個人權利。黨國對於勞資雙方不平衡的狀態，不願從根本上改革勞動制度，給予勞工自由結社、罷工等權利，而以提高法定最低工資及繼續加強勞工法律上個人權益等政治或法律的手段來影響勞資關係。國家不只是對企業主軟硬兼施，對工人一樣採取胡蘿蔔加鞭子的兩手策略，為了使工人能在國家劃定的範圍內維權，國家一方面加強實施有關勞工個人利益的政策，協助工人向資方爭取利益，另一方面對於超出劃定的範圍又影響國家統治權的活動，則以各種國家機器的控治手段壓制勞工的維權運動。 / Since the reformation and opening-up 30 years ago, the economics of China has been improving rapidly. The annual GDP growth rate has had almost no equal around the world. In the recent years, the role of China has transformed from the world’s factory to the world’s market. However, in 2010, several employees of the subsidiary of the Foxconn Technology Group in China had committed suicide by jumping off buildings. After those suicides, there had been a series of protests and strikes by labors regarding low wages, requesting for raises following the example of the Foxconn Technology Group. This study believes that the reasons behind the suicides of the farmers working for Foxconn were caused by the conflicts among the labor system, the distribution system, the household registration system, and the political system. Due to the lack of the right to form trade unions freely and the right to strike, labors with only individual strengths had no sufficient protections or rights to fight against being exploited by the management. Labors could only externalize the labor-management controversies and conflicts over and over again, looking for help from outside the system. Plus there was the social unfairness such as the disparity between the rich and the poor and the household registration system unfairness, finally leading to the Appealing Movement of Labor Rights. It can be seen from the Foxconn event that, for the purposes of consolidating its own political power and maintaining existing control over the society, the party-state exploited not only all labors’ group rights, but also their individual rights of standing for their wages and welfare in front of capitalists. The party-state wasn’t willing to reform the labor system from the fundamentals to improve the unbalanced state between the labor and the management by offering labors the freedom of association and the right to strike. Instead, it tried to influence the labor-management relationship via political or legal means such as increasing the legal minimum wage and continuously improving labors’ individual legal rights and interests. The nation not only adopted both hard and soft tactics against proprietors, it also applied the two-hand strategy with labors. In order to ensure that labors would appeal within the pre-set limits, the nation on the one hand improved the implementation of policies regarding labors’ individual interests to help labors fight the management for their interests, on the other hand applied various controlling measures of state apparatus to suppress labors’ appealing movement for activities which went beyond the pre-defined scope and would influence the nation’s sovereign power.