Pesticides are among the most pervasive environmental contaminants and they are an important potential risk for human health. Agricultural workers are constantly exposed to pesticide spray, drift and residues in the soil and foliage. Many agricultural pesticides are readily absorbed by the body, through contact with the skin, the respiratory track, the eyes, and the gastrointestinal system. Multiple studies have reported a strong association between pesticide exposure and various health outcomes including cancer. Oxidative stress and DNA damage have been proposed as mechanisms linking pesticide exposure to health effects and neurological diseases. The focus of the present translational study is to examine the relationship between human exposure to the organophosphate pesticide azinphos methyl (AZM) and oxidative stress by measuring biomarkers of oxidative stress in biological fluids (i.e., urine, serum) and peripheral blood lymphocytes (PBLs) of agricultural workers. The findings from these field studies will be validated in vitro by examining cultures of human lymphocytes treated with AZM for similar biomarkers of oxidative stress. Since the collection of PBLs from study participants is highly invasive and not suitable for studies involving younger subjects, we also examined buccal cells for biomarkers of oxidative stress (i.e., DNA damage) as a more universal source of human tissue to assess oxidative stress in pesticide exposed individuals. We demonstrated in this study that AZM induces oxidative stress and causes DNA damage in human tissues. Agricultural workers who had been exposed to AZM showed elevated serum levels of lipid peroxides, increased urinary levels of 8-OH-dG, and lymphocytes from these individuals showed increased DNA damage and associated changes in oxidative DNA repair enzymes. Biomarkers of oxidative stress were also elevated in human lymphocytes treated with physiologically relevant concentrations of AZM. In cultures of human lymphocytes, AZM caused a concentration-dependent loss of viability and associated increases in ROS and a reduction in intracellular GSH. We also demonstrated that viable leukocytes from the oral cavity can be readily obtained from humans and these buccal cells can be used to assess DNA damage following exposure to occupational and environmental genotoxicants. We also noted that oral leukocytes are especially sensitive to cryopreservation with DMSO and thus, these cells must be cryoprotected with 5% DMSO to preserve the viability of these cells for subsequent biochemical studies. In summary, these in vivo and in vitro studies demonstrated that AZM induces oxidative stress in a dose-dependent matter and that oral lymphocytes are a good source of human tissue for assessing DNA damage and possibly other biochemical changes. The possible health implications of the variations in these biomarkers of oxidative stress and DNA damage are undetermined. Yet the findings from these studies have provided a strong foundation for determining the mechanism by which pesticide induce oxidative stress, to explore the putative relationship between pesticide-induced oxidative stress and disease (e.g. cancer, neurodegenerative disorders) and determine whether tissue damage in humans is brought about by direct or by indirect action of organophosphate pesticides. / Graduation date: 2010

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration

Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 46-05, page: 2668. Adviser: Maria E. Fernandez. Includes bibliographical references

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 4676.pdf: 2288980 bytes, checksum: 369ce6d75963d6f00a8ba8b0366bd1be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-08 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This study is the result of a qualitative research about the involvement of Pentecostal workers in the Union of Metalworkers of San Carlos and Ibaté. From the religious affiliation and its guidelines is analyzed the trajectories of acquaintance and engagement with the militancy and the extent to which Christian values on the one hand and the demands of trade union struggle, others do not conflict. Among the workers interviewed, the majority showed affinity with union militancy, understanding the role of the Union is to ensure the rights of workers, hence the active participation in activities promoted by the entity. Such experiments allow us to think about the changes in behavior among evangelicals in relation to micro-and macro-social policy and its consequences. Meanwhile, religion acquires a relevant role in establishing a network of contact between them within the church and labor, leading them to become interested by the union due to the participation of some "fellow believers" militants. The result is a movement of exchange of experiences between two seemingly opposite areas on the basis of an ideological nature, but in our case has been overcoming this dichotomy between sacred world and the secular world. / Este estudo é resultado de uma pesquisa qualitativa realizada junto aos trabalhadores pentecostais sobre o seu envolvimento com o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Carlos e Ibaté. A partir da filiação religiosa e suas diretrizes analisam-se suas trajetórias de conhecimento e engajamento com a militância, e em que medida os valores cristãos, por um lado e as demandas de luta sindical, de outro não entram em conflito. Entre os trabalhadores entrevistados a maioria demonstrou afinidade com a militância sindical entendendo que o papel do sindicato é o de garantir o direito dos trabalhadores, daí a participação ativa nas atividades promovidas pela entidade. Tais experiências nos permitem pensarmos nas mudanças de comportamento entre os evangélicos em relação à política micro e macro-social e seus desdobramentos. Nesse ínterim, a religião adquire papel relevante ao estabelecer uma rede de contato entre eles no espaço da igreja e por sua vez no trabalho levando os a se interessarem pelo sindicato em função da participação de alguns irmãos de fé militantes. Resulta daí um movimento de trocas de experiências entre dois espaços aparentemente opostos em função da natureza ideológica, mas que no caso em estudo vem superando essa dicotomia mundo sagrado e mundo secular.

This thesis focuses on relationships of opportunity and constraint among farm workers in the Sundays River Valley (SRV), Eastern Cape Province. Relationships of 'constraint' include those experiences of displacement and forced removal and war, including forced removals by the apartheid state in 1960 and 1970. Relationships of 'opportunity' include the ways in which residents in the SRV have contested their experiences of upheaval and domination, and the formation of a regional sense of place and belonging/ investigate how farm workers actually draw elements of locality and identity from their experiences of upheaval, and how displacement bolsters feelings of belonging and place. Instead of viewing displacement as a once-off experience, this thesis investigates displacement in historical terms, as a long-term, 'serial' experience of human movement, which is continued in the present- specifically through the creation of the Greater Addo Elephant National Park. I concentrate on developing a spatialised and cultural notion of movemenUplacement. 'Place' is investigated as a term that refers to rather indeterminate feelings of nostalgia, memory and identity, which depend on a particular connection to territory (ie: 'space'). I emphasise that elements of place in the SRV are drawn from and expressed along dualistic lines, which juxtapose situations of opportunity and constraint. In this way, farm workers' sense of connection to farms and ancestral territory in the SRV depends on their experiences of stable residency and work on farms, as well as their memories of removal from land in the area. I emphasise that those elements of conservatism (expressed as 'tradition' and Redness) among Xhosa-speaking farm workers are indications of a certain hybridity of identity in the region, which depend on differentiation from other groups (such as so-called 'coloured' farm workers and 'white' farmers), as well as associations between these groups. This thesis lays emphasis upon those less visible and definable 'identities' in the Eastern Cape Province, specifically by shifting focus away from the exhomeland states of the Ciskei and Transkei, to more marginal expressions of identity and change (among farm workers) in the Province. I point out that labourers cannot solely be defined by their positions as farm workers, but by their place and sense of cultural belonging in the area. In this sense, I use the idea of work as a loaded concept that can comment on a range of cultural attitudes towards belonging and place, and which is firmly embedded in the private lives of labourers - beyond their simple socio-economic conditions of farm work. I use Bourdieu's conception of habitus and doxa to define work as a set of dispositions that have been historicised and internalised by workers to such an extent, that relationships of domination are sometimes inadvertently obscured through their apparent 'naturalness'. Moreover, I point out that work can be related to ritualised action in the SRV through the use of performance and practice-based anthropological theory. Both work and ritual are symbolic actions, and are sites of struggle within which workers express themselves dualistically. Rituals, specifically, are dramatic events that combine disharmonious and harmonious social processes - juxtaposing the powerlessness of workers (on farms), and the deep sense of belonging and place in the SRV. I argue that the deep historical connections in the SRV have largely been ignored by conservationists in the drive to establish new protected zones (such as the Greater Addo Elephant National Park), and that a new model of shared conservation management is needed for this Park.

Black people live and work in very poor conditions in South Africa. They have always protested and resisted this. But at the beginning of this century, these protests were limited to a few groups of workers at any one time. There was no organisation for black workers. Then, soon after the First World War ended, a new movement appeared. It spread through the land like a veld fire. The people began to talk of their liberation, their new leaders and their organisation - the Industrial and Commercial Union (the I.C.U.). As a farm labourer from Standerton said: "Man we thought we were getting our country back through Kadalie".

Farm workers are viewed as a neglected segment in the South African society. This qualitative research study focused on exploring and describing the social needs of farm workers in the Central Koup from the perspectives of samples comprising of farm workers and farm owners and/or managers. The aim was to contribute in finding solutions to address the identified needs through employee assistance programmes (EAPs) as one of the areas that an occupational social worker focuses on. The qualitative data was collected through focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews, and the findings were verified with literature. Tesch’s framework for data analysis (in Creswell, 2003) was employed, and data verification was conducted through Guba’s model (in Krefting, 1991:214-222). The findings indicated that the social needs of farm workers could be addressed through typical EAP-related focus areas such as working- and interpersonal relationships, substance abuse, spiritual well-being, recreation, financial management, conflict management, child care and parenting skills, trauma counselling, and practical assistance regarding transport, housing and accessibility of resources. This research endeavour resulted in recommendations regarding the use of EAPs to address the social needs of farm workers. / M. Soc. Sc.

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T06:37:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Correa_E.G._M.pdf: 1300324 bytes, checksum: e5fd61768463060381bc90c713d33c3c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Neste trabalho, nosso objetivo consiste em analisar os aspectos fundamentais da ação do Sindicato de Empregados Rurais de Cosmópolis, município localizado no interior do Estado de São Paulo, diante da intensificação da mecanização da colheita da cana-de-açúcar pela Usina Açucareira Ester S/A na década de 2000. Este sindicato logrou uma ação reivindicativa relevante junto aos trabalhadores canavieiros no final dos anos 1990, a qual culminou na implantação de um sistema de controle da produção no corte da cana denominado Quadra Fechada, que tinha como característica principal a presença constante do sindicato nos locais de trabalho. No entanto, a expansão da colheita mecanizada e o aumento do desemprego entre os assalariados rurais afetaram negativamente a organização sindical destes trabalhadores, na medida em que resultaram no distanciamento entre estes e seus dirigentes sindicais e no desaparecimento da atividade sindical nos locais de trabalho. Para compreender a ação do SER-Cosmópolis, que incorporou alguns elementos do discurso neoliberal, analisamos a sua inserção junto aos trabalhadores, as orientações político-ideológicas de suas lideranças, as táticas e formas de luta escolhidas em resposta ao atual contexto de desemprego, assim como a forma como os trabalhadores a enxergam. Realizamos uma pesquisa qualitativa que contemplou a leitura da bibliografia pertinente ao tema, a consulta de documentos sindicais e entrevistas semiestruturadas com os trabalhadores canavieiros, com os funcionários do corpo gerencial da Usina Ester e com lideranças do SER-Cosmópolis / Abstract: In this work, our goal is to analyze the fundamental aspects of the action of the Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis, a municipality in Sao Paulo State, after the intensification of mechanization in sugarcane harvesting process in Ester Sugar Mill S/A in the 2000s. The union achieved a significant share of the demands of the sugarcane harvesting workers in the late 90s, assuring the establishment of a system of production control in the sugarcane fields called Quadra Fechada (Closed Court), which had as it main feature the constant presence of the union at workplace. However, the expansion of mechanized harvesting and rising unemployment among rural workers negatively affected their trade union organization, creating a gap between them and their union leaders and disappearing the trade union activity at workplace. To understand the action of Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis - which adopted some elements of neoliberal discourse - we analyze its relationship to sugarcane harvesting workers, the politicalideological orientation of its leaders, their tactics and forms of struggle chosen in response to the current context of unemployment as well as how workers see their union and leaders. We performed a qualitative study that included the reading of the pertinent literature, consultation of union documents and conducting semi-structured interviews with sugarcane workers and employees of the management of Ester Sugar Mill and leaders of the Rural Workers Trade Union of Cosmópolis / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Over the past fifteen years there has been an extensive conversion of land use from traditional farming practices to conservation and private game reserves. It has been suggested by Langholz and Kerley (2006:2) that privately owned preserved areas can engage in ecotourism initiatives by protecting biodiversity, succeeding financially and contributing to social upliftment. However, ecotourism has to operate within the context of historical land dispossession of the majority black population and current land reform initiatives to address this problem. In view of the economic, social and environmental importance of ecotourism based private game reserves (PGRs) in South Africa, particularly the Eastern Cape, the main goal of this research is to examine the Indalo association of private game reserves in the Eastern Cape Province’s development model for ex-farmworkers and adjacent communities. This was done through a literature survey and analysis of existing studies and by interviewing the managers of the Indalo PGRs and a few farmworkers to get their opinions of the tension between what they are doing and the imperatives of land reform. This involved an exploration of their community development work, particularly around issues of job creation, participation in decision-making, capacity building and sustainability. The thesis comes to the following conclusions. The first is that the establishment of PGRs have a significant positive impact on the local areas in which they are established. As a land-use, ecotourism based game reserves are an economically and ecologically desirable alternative to other land uses. Therefore the ecotourism based private game reserve industry with its extensive community development focus for farmworkers and local communities is a viable and sustainable alternative to conventional land reform. The second is that the Indalo PGRs development work has built capacity in the communities it has served. However, community participation, particularly in decision-making is limited and needs more attention if productive and sustainable development is to be achieved. Lastly, communities rely heavily on external support for their development and upliftment. However, the majority of the PGRs have/or are putting measures in place to ensure the continuation of community development projects to ensure the long-term sustainability of projects.