Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1996. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 307-328).

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Este trabalho trata da ação coletiva e comunitária dos camponeses indígenas bolivianos migrantes nos conflitos pela posse da terra nas regiões densas do avanço modernizador da agricultura chamadas oriente boliviano. As oportunidades adversas e assimétricas no acesso à terra, motivam constantes produções de luta, combinadas com formas sindicais, indígenas e MSTistas enquanto realizam ocupações de terras públicas e terras pretendidas pelos fazendeiros e pecuaristas. Pelo fato de serem esses sujeitos naturais majoritariamente quéchuas, objetivam perspectivas andinas de produção e olhares de mobilização, além de contribuírem com suas ações nos projetos de mudança nacional, tanto na crise do Estado boliviano, de 2000 até 2005, quanto na formação do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia, de 2006 até 2010. Oferecem-se evidências da questão da terra da segunda metade do século XX, quando o campesinato se transforma numa poderosa força econômica e política. Combatidas pelas forças repressivas por optar pela forma ilegal das ocupações e, no tempo em que recuam, coexistem com seus contendores optando pelas normas e procedimentos oferecidos de cima para baixo. No presente trabalho, concentra-se menos nas estruturas e mais em pessoas, em indivíduos mobilizados, nas suas interações, em suas emoções, consensos e dissensos cotidianos dos chamados avasalladores, invasores de terras que produzem uma racionalidade própria de luta. Foram estudados depoimentos em quéchua dos protagonistas do conflito, narrativas dos líderes de base, entrevistas a ex-funcionários de Estado, intelectuais, etc. Analisaram-se também documentos manuscritos dos grupos mobilizados; revisaram-se arquivos policiais e do Ministério Público; jornais nacionais; demandas escritas pelas organizações; e, informação seleta dos arquivos do INC e o INRA, ambas entidades agrárias. A pesquisa é apoiada na observação etnográfica de campo e trajetória do pesquisador sobre a questão. / This research deals with the collective action of migrant Bolivian indigenous farmers in conflicts over land, in the dense regions of modernizing advancement of eastern Bolivia called agriculture. The adverse and asymmetric opportunities in access to land motivate constant production of struggles, combining with union, indigenous, and MSTi-like forms, while occupying public land intended for farmer and rancher use. Because these subjects are mostly quechua, they aim for Andean perspectives of production and Andean views on mobilization, as well as contributing with their actions to national change projects, both in the Bolivian state crisis (from 2000 to 2005) as well as in the formation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (from 2006 to 2010). Regarding matters of land ownership, it is offered documentation of the second half of the twentieth century, when the peasantry becomes a powerful economic and political force. These political agents fight against the repressive forces, when they opt for illegal occupations, and recede in other times, opting to coexist with their contenders and with rules and procedures offered from the top down. This study focuses less on structures and more on mobilized individuals, their interactions, their emotions, everyday consensus and dissent of the so-called avasalladores, land invaders, who produce their own rationality of struggle. This study analyses thee statements produced in Quechua by the protagonists of the conflict, grassroots leaders narratives, interviews with former State employees, texts written by intellectuals, etc. Also, handwritten documents made by the mobilized groups; police and prosecutors files; national newspapers; demands written by organizations; and information from the files of the INC and the INRA, both agricultural entities. This research is supported by ethnographic field observations and the ressearchers trajectory with the issue.

A presente dissertação tem como foco temático o direito humano à moradia, sendo o seu objeto de estudo os conflitos fundiários urbanos coletivos na cidade de Araguaína. O problema consiste em conhecer as implicações sociais e judiciais desses conflitos, tendo como suporte as ações possessórias em trâmite nas varas cíveis do sistema de justiça estadual tocantinense. Os objetivos específicos traduzem-se na revisão da literatura relacionada ao tema; na caracterização do cenário dessas disputas fundiárias no Brasil, no Tocantins e em Araguaína; bem como na análise das ações possessórias que refletem esses conflitos, sistematizando o tratamento dado pelo Poder Judiciário tocantinense e sua dimensão social. A metodologia aplicada pauta-se na revisão sistemática da literatura, com coleta de dados em bases de pesquisa, utilizando-se os descritores escolhidos em conjunto e individualmente. A pesquisa mostra que esses conflitos geram confrontos entre proprietários e não proprietários, tendo forte relação com os direitos fundamentais à propriedade e à posse, e também com a urbanização das cidades, provocando segregação socioespacial e exclusão social. Vários desses conflitos desaguam na Justiça Estadual, que não os trata de forma equitativa, não observa a complexidade dos interesses envolvidos e os retroalimenta, pois não soluciona a questão primeira, que é a falta de moradia, e não aplica as sanções àqueles que deixam de cumprir a função social da propriedade, gerando, assim, uma (re)produção da segregação urbana. Na conclusão, verifica-se que o Poder Judiciário é seletivo em suas decisões, ajuda a construir a figura do invasor, suspendendo-lhe garantias processuais, deferindo maciçamente liminares ou ordens definitivas em favor de proprietários, cuja posse é presumida, em prejuízo dos posseiros, cujo interesse é a moradia. / The present dissertation has its thematic focus on the human right to housing, and its object of study is the collective urban land conflicts in the city of Araguaína. The problem is to know the social and the judicial implications of these conflicts, having as support of research the possessory actions in progress in the civil courts of the state justice system of Tocantins. The specific objectives are translated into the literature review related to the theme; into the characterization of the scenario of these land disputes in Brazil, Tocantins and Araguaína; as well as into the analysis of the possessory actions that reflect these conflicts, systematizing the treatment given by the Judiciary Power of Tocantins and its social dimension. The methodology is based on the systematic literature review, with data collection in research bases, using the descriptors chosen together and individually. The research shows that these conflicts generate confrontation between owners and non-owners, having a strong relationship with the fundamental rights to property and possession, and also with the urbanization of cities, provoking social and spatial segregation and social exclusion. Several of these conflicts flow into the State Justice System, which does not treat them equitably, does not observe the complexity of the involved interests and feeds them back, since it does not solve the first issue, which is the lack of housing, and does not apply the sanctions to those who fail to accomplish the social function of property, thus generating a (re)production of the urban segregation. In conclusion, the study observed that the Judiciary is selective in its decisions, helps to construct the figure of the invader, suspending procedural guarantees, deferring a great number of injunctions or definitive orders in favor of the proprietors, whose possession is presumed, to the detriment of the squatters, whose interest is housing.

Cette thèse porte sur l’étude de la filière palmier à huile au Burundi. Son enjeu principal est d’analyser la manière dont cette culture construit son territoire. Elle étudie les acteurs de la filière palmier à huile, leurs stratégies et la manière dont ils sont organisés ainsi que l’espace territorialisée par cette filière. La filière palmier à huile au Burundi a connu deux importants modes de cultures. Le mode de culture traditionnelle dominé par l’ancienne variété « dura », il était caractérisé par la polyculture extensive. Entre des palmiers espacés, la culture du vivrier était possible. Le deuxième mode de culture concerne la monoculture du palmier à huile qui est uniquement destinée à produire de l’huile de palme. Il consiste à la culture de la nouvelle variété « tenera » jugée plus productive que l’ancienne variété. La transition de l’ancien au nouveau mode d’exploitation agricole ne s’est pas faite sans conséquences sur les modes de vie des paysans des principales zones palméicoles burundaises (Rumonge et Nyanza-Lac). L’installation de la nouvelle variété « tenera » à Rumonge et à Nyanza lac a certes, généré une véritable agriculture marchande, mais elle s’est faite au détriment d’autres cultures vivrières. Dans ce travail nous montrons les bouleversements socio-économiques que la culture a engendrés sur les modes de vie des paysans, notamment l’exacerbation des conflits fonciers. La culture du palmier à huile ne cesse de s’étendre sur d’autres régions du pays. Par une analyse historique, nous montrons comment la construction du territoire du palmier à huile s’est faite autour des acteurs qui n’ont ni les mêmes moyens financiers ni les mêmes objectifs. Les modes d’organisation et les stratégies varient en fonction de chaque groupe d’acteurs et de son capital financier initial. La faible organisation de petits palméiculteurs observée à l’Imbo-sud n’augure pas un bon avenir pour eux. Enfin, l’étude montre comment les détenteurs de capitaux accèdent à la filière palmier à huile en passant par la simple location de terres de pauvres paysans. / This thesis focuses on the study of the palm oil chain in Burundi. Its main aim is to analyze how this culture constructs its territory. It studies palm’s actors, their strategies and the way they are organized and the territorialized space by this chain. The palm oil chain in Burundi has experienced two important modes of cultures. The traditional method of farming dominated by the old variety "dura" and was characterized by extensive polyculture. Between spaced palms, food crops growing were possible. The second concerns the method of cultivation of monoculture oil palm which is only intended to produce palm oil. It involves cultivation of the new variety "tenera" considered more productive than the old variety. The transition from the old to the new farming method did not without consequences on the livelihoods of farmers in major palmicole areas Burundi (Rumonge and Nyanza-Lac). The installation of the new variety "tenera" in Rumonge and Nyanza Lac, respectively entrusted to the Regional Development Company Rumonge and Nyanza Lake project has certainly generated a real commercial agriculture, but it was at the expense of other food crops. In this work we show the socio-economic upheavals that culture has generated the lifestyles of farmers, for example the exacerbation of land conflicts. The cultivation of oil palm continues to expand into other regions. Through a historic analysis of the construction of oil palm land, we show how the construction of the oil palm area is about actors who do not have the same financial means nor the same objectives. The modes of organization and strategies vary according to each stakeholder group and initial financial capital. The weak organization of small producers of oil palm observed in Imbo area does not augur a good future for them. For lack of means, are forced to sell their farms to wealthy people. Finally, the study shows how capital holders access to the palm oil chain through the lease of land from poor peasants.

Este trabalho trata da ação coletiva e comunitária dos camponeses indígenas bolivianos migrantes nos conflitos pela posse da terra nas regiões densas do avanço modernizador da agricultura chamadas oriente boliviano. As oportunidades adversas e assimétricas no acesso à terra, motivam constantes produções de luta, combinadas com formas sindicais, indígenas e MSTistas enquanto realizam ocupações de terras públicas e terras pretendidas pelos fazendeiros e pecuaristas. Pelo fato de serem esses sujeitos naturais majoritariamente quéchuas, objetivam perspectivas andinas de produção e olhares de mobilização, além de contribuírem com suas ações nos projetos de mudança nacional, tanto na crise do Estado boliviano, de 2000 até 2005, quanto na formação do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia, de 2006 até 2010. Oferecem-se evidências da questão da terra da segunda metade do século XX, quando o campesinato se transforma numa poderosa força econômica e política. Combatidas pelas forças repressivas por optar pela forma ilegal das ocupações e, no tempo em que recuam, coexistem com seus contendores optando pelas normas e procedimentos oferecidos de cima para baixo. No presente trabalho, concentra-se menos nas estruturas e mais em pessoas, em indivíduos mobilizados, nas suas interações, em suas emoções, consensos e dissensos cotidianos dos chamados avasalladores, invasores de terras que produzem uma racionalidade própria de luta. Foram estudados depoimentos em quéchua dos protagonistas do conflito, narrativas dos líderes de base, entrevistas a ex-funcionários de Estado, intelectuais, etc. Analisaram-se também documentos manuscritos dos grupos mobilizados; revisaram-se arquivos policiais e do Ministério Público; jornais nacionais; demandas escritas pelas organizações; e, informação seleta dos arquivos do INC e o INRA, ambas entidades agrárias. A pesquisa é apoiada na observação etnográfica de campo e trajetória do pesquisador sobre a questão. / This research deals with the collective action of migrant Bolivian indigenous farmers in conflicts over land, in the dense regions of modernizing advancement of eastern Bolivia called agriculture. The adverse and asymmetric opportunities in access to land motivate constant production of struggles, combining with union, indigenous, and MSTi-like forms, while occupying public land intended for farmer and rancher use. Because these subjects are mostly quechua, they aim for Andean perspectives of production and Andean views on mobilization, as well as contributing with their actions to national change projects, both in the Bolivian state crisis (from 2000 to 2005) as well as in the formation of the Plurinational State of Bolivia (from 2006 to 2010). Regarding matters of land ownership, it is offered documentation of the second half of the twentieth century, when the peasantry becomes a powerful economic and political force. These political agents fight against the repressive forces, when they opt for illegal occupations, and recede in other times, opting to coexist with their contenders and with rules and procedures offered from the top down. This study focuses less on structures and more on mobilized individuals, their interactions, their emotions, everyday consensus and dissent of the so-called avasalladores, land invaders, who produce their own rationality of struggle. This study analyses thee statements produced in Quechua by the protagonists of the conflict, grassroots leaders narratives, interviews with former State employees, texts written by intellectuals, etc. Also, handwritten documents made by the mobilized groups; police and prosecutors files; national newspapers; demands written by organizations; and information from the files of the INC and the INRA, both agricultural entities. This research is supported by ethnographic field observations and the ressearchers trajectory with the issue.

Social media is a collective name for the communication channels that allow users to communicate directly with each other in real time through text, image or sound. This study sets out to describe, analyze and draw conclusions on the use of social media in land conflicts in Cambodia. Experts debate on the importance of social media in social change, and aid institutions encourage social media presence for grass root organizations. With this study we want to add a grass root perspective from a development context, trying to see how the communication and information work with social media actually works. We decided to focus on social media’s agenda setting, advocacy and mobilizational possibilities, and interviewed eight organizations, three journalists/bloggers and one newspaper editor to get a broad perspective of social media’s usage in land conflicts, and we also conducted a small case study on the land conflict Boeung Kak lake’s presence on Youtube. The results showed that the organizations were using social media in many different ways, and on different levels in their communications work. We could however not see any clear interlinkage between the usage of social media and a success in neither agenda setting, social mobilization nor advocacy work; even though there are success stories we could not see consistent patterns in them. Our conclusion is therefore that a more objective and rational picture of social media is needed, that acknowledges the potentials but also shows the obstacles. Our hope is that this study can give a more balanced approach to social media’s place in developing countries in general and Cambodia in particular, helping actors to understand the different factors that need to be addressed to make it a successful tool of communication.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-22T12:53:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael dos Santos Barros.pdf: 1698449 bytes, checksum: e6d4179a553e504078dbe10d3fcf3df6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-03-28T19:01:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael dos Santos Barros.pdf: 1698449 bytes, checksum: e6d4179a553e504078dbe10d3fcf3df6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:01:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Rafael dos Santos Barros.pdf: 1698449 bytes, checksum: e6d4179a553e504078dbe10d3fcf3df6 (MD5) / Essa pesquisa procurou compreender a atuação dos índios Gueren na Capitania dos Ilhéus na primeira metade do século XVIII, contexto em que houve um processo inexorável de expansão colonizadora, a qual tinha como fito alargar as fronteiras agrícolas e conseguir grandes quantidades de mão de obra indígena escravizada. É nesse contexto que percebemos a atuação dos índios como estrategistas políticos, usando a tutela de um capitão-mor para livrarem-se da opressão, bem como a ação da Coroa portuguesa, a qual confeccionou distintas políticas indigenistas para cada povo que vivia na capitania com o objetivo de assimilar os grupos arredios à colonização, tornando-os súditos do Rei de Portugal. Posteriormente, o estudo incidiu na formação do aldeamento de Nossa Senhora dos Remédios, ressaltando a perspectiva do direito a terra e dos conflitos concernentes aos diferentes interesses de índios, colonos arrendatários de terras e missionários representantes do colégio da Bahia, detentores legítimos da sesmaria onde se inseria o aldeamento. A partir da interpretação das fontes, um repertório de documentos referentes aos conflitos de terras ocorridos naquele território, identificou-se os atores sociais, suas demandas e suas justificativas, ancoradas no direito e nos costumes sobre a posse e a propriedade da terra no Império Luso, considerando, ainda, a legislação indigenista e sua aplicação na resolução de conflitos dessa natureza. This research sought to understand the role of the Indians inte the Islanders in the Capitancy Gueren in the firsthalf of the 18th century, context in which there was aninexorable process of colonial expansion, which had asaim to the agricultural frontier and get large amount of enslaved indigenous labor . It is in this context that we perceive the action of Indians as political strategists, using the tutelage of a capitain-mor to get rid of the oppression, as well as the action of the Portuguese Crown, which distinct indigenous policies fashioned for every people who lived on the capitaincy in order to assimilate the uncontactedgroups to colonization, making them subjects of the King of Portugal. Subsequently, the study focused on the formation of village of Nossa Senhora dos Remédios, emphasizing the perspective of the right toland and conflicts related to the different interests of Indians, settlers and missionaries land tenant representatives of the College of Bahia, Legitimate holders of sesmarias which formed part of the village. From the interpretation of the sources, a directory of documents pertaining to the land conflicts occurringon that territory has identified the social actors, their demands and their justifications, anchor in law and customs on possession and ownership of land in Portuguese Empire, considering also the indigenous legislation and its application in conflict of this nature.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:33:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro de A Crestani.pdf: 2307383 bytes, checksum: 37c19daa495fd15af35d49e953224164 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research aims to discuss the agrarian conflicts and land market in the western region of Paraná State. Leaving the issue of land disputes at the internal borders is part of the analysis of the case study of Gleba Santa Cruz . A dispute between the Union Colonization Society D Oeste Ltda. and the State of Parana, which happened in 1954. The study of borders in this paper seeks the genesis of the same from the year 1843 and the participation of the State of Parana and colonizing companies in this process, which shaped the institutional form of the land market. Market consolidation of land in the western regions came from the Getúlio Vargas decision to integrate the border areas in the country, promoting the March to the West in order to stimulate the agricultural colonization of these territories. The new agricultural frontier, inserted in the ideals of the national economy has attracted settlers and investment that made the land being valued. Was stimulated, thus, a land market that drew upon himself the interests of economic agents and market for speculative purposes and the state, supported by groups seeking political hegemony by ensuring their economic advantages. It was used in this study primary sources, secondary literature, narratives, public and private. The methodology was understood as a way or procedure of reflection and analysis necessary for the articulation of body concept (or theory) to the actual investigation of the case study of the Gleba Santa Cruz looking at comparative analytic approach to understanding the conflicts over land in the West Paraná. Speculation, concentration and ownership of lands generated later confrontations and conflicts against the settlers, homesteaders and squatters, and used form of understanding to understand that reality, their disputes, conflict and hegemony of local and regional groups. Note that the border violence is understood as the economic process of land occupation. After cleaning the soil made by the settlers or squatters, as stated in this work comes the cleaning promoted by the company colonizing, which was carried out by thugs, gangsters, police, law, and is considered a practice of violence supported by the agencies and bureaucratic institutions of the State of Paraná. Seeing that it was an unequal struggle for land. / Esta pesquisa visa discutir os conflitos agrários e o mercado de terras na região Oeste do Estado do Paraná. Partindo da problemática dos conflitos agrários nas fronteiras internas, parte-se da análise do estudo de caso da Gleba Santa Cruz . Uma disputa entre a Sociedade Colonizadora União D Oeste Ltda. e o Estado do Paraná, que aconteceu no ano de 1954. O estudo das fronteiras neste trabalho busca a gênese do mesmo a partir do ano de 1843 e da participação do Estado do Paraná e companhias colonizadoras nesse processo, as quais moldaram a forma institucional do mercado de terras. A consolidação do mercado de terras no Oeste do Paraná aconteceu a partir da decisão de Getúlio Vargas de integrar os territórios fronteiriços no território nacional, promovendo a Marcha para o Oeste com a finalidade de estimular a colonização agrícola desses territórios. A nova fronteira agrícola, inserida no ideário do desenvolvimento da economia nacional atraiu colonos e investimentos que fizeram com que as terras fossem valorizadas. Estimulou-se, assim, um mercado de terras que atraiu sobre si os interesses de agentes econômicos com fins especulativos e mercadológicos e do Estado, sustentado por grupos que buscavam pela hegemonia política garantir as suas vantagens econômicas. Utilizou-se nessa pesquisa fontes primárias, secundárias, bibliográficas, narrativas, particulares e públicas. A metodologia foi entendida como caminho ou procedimento de reflexão e análise necessária para a articulação do corpo conceptual (ou teoria) com a realidade de investigação do estudo de caso da Gleba Santa Cruz buscando na abordagem analítico-comparativa a compreensão dos conflitos agrários no Oeste do Paraná. A especulação, concentração e apropriação de terras devolutas geraram, posteriormente, confrontos e conflitos contra os colonos, posseiros e grileiros, além de forma de entendimento utilizado para se compreender aquela realidade, suas disputas, conflitos e hegemonia de grupos locais e regionais. Nota-se que na fronteira a violência é compreendida como processo econômico de ocupação da terra. Depois da limpeza do solo feito pelos colonos ou posseiros, conforme foi referido neste trabalho surge a operação de limpeza promovida pela companhia colonizadora, a qual foi protagonizada por jagunços, pistoleiros, policiais, da lei, sendo considerada uma prática de violência apoiada nas agências e instituições burocráticas do Estado do Paraná. Vê-se que foi uma luta desigual pela posse da terra.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration: Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This study was conducted between November 2015 and March 2016 in Nakivale Refugee Settlement, one of the oldest and largest refugee settlements in Africa. The objectives of the study were to determine the forms and causes of land conflicts in the refugee settlement; to establish the relationship between land conflicts and food security in the Settlement; to identify the strategies refugees adopt to cope with land shortage and food insecurity problems in the Settlement; to establish the residents’ perceptions of the effectiveness of interventions aimed at mitigating land conflicts and enhancing food security in the Settlement and its host communities. Interest in the study arose out of the reported persistence of food insecurity and land conflicts despite efforts to ensure food security and restore peace and security in the refugee settlement and the host communities. The study used exploratory, analytical and descriptive research designs to obtain qualitative primary data. Secondary data was obtained through documentary review. Primary data was collected using interviews, focus group discussion and observation. The study found that land conflicts involve the destruction of crops, livestock and even human lives and they sometimes culminate in costly legal battles in courts of law. They pit the Settlement Commandant against Ugandans in the Settlement, pastoralists against cultivators, pastoralists against pastoralists, cultivators against cultivators, refugees against Ugandans and refugees against refugees. The conflicts also oppose host communities against refugees, conservationists against encroachers on protected land and Ugandans in the Settlement against the government. The study also found the causes to be land-grabbing and fraudulent acquisition of, or claims on, land by unscrupulous people, encroachment on others’ land and protected land, high population growth, the presence of vacant land in the Settlement, competition over increasingly scarce land by cultivators and pastoralists, ambiguous settlement boundaries, contested land ownership, jealousy and antipathy. The study further established that there is a strong positive relationship between land conflicts and food insecurity. Violent land conflicts lead to the maiming and death of farmers, destruction of crops and livestock and deterrence of potential agricultural investors from investing in agriculture, thus lowering food production and increasing food insecurity. Land conflicts also render disputed land idle and therefore unproductive, leading to reduced food production; and, within families, land conflicts lead to land fragmentation which leads to reduced food production and increased food scarcity. Regarding refugee coping mechanisms, the study found that refugees in Nakivale resorted to both positive and negative coping mechanisms. Positive coping mechanisms include establishing small businesses, rural-urban migration, farming, education and resettlement, intermarriage, paid employment, and psychosocial support. Others were: borrowing money, casual labour, networking, remittances, spirituality and religion. Negative mechanisms include: cheating the system and self-integration, prostitution, early marriage, drug abuse, theft and robbery. The study also found that interventions in land conflicts in the Settlement were unsuccessful due to corruption and limited involvement of the beneficiaries. The challenges of implementing refugee policy in the Settlement were identified as limited funding, inadequate coordination and consultation between the district and settlement authorities, xenophobia and an increasing refugee population with insatiable demands. The study recommends the following: demarcation of the boundaries of the Settlement; relocation of some refugees to other settlements in the country; housing scheme for both refugees and nationals in the Settlement to enable everyone to live decently; affordable loans for both refugees and Nationals in the Settlement; introduction of plot numbers to resolve land conflicts among refugees; a structural plan for the Settlement; mechanization of agriculture in the Settlement and increased provision of farming inputs, such as fertilisers to all farmers in the Settlement; coordinated and participatory planning between settlement and district authorities, involving refugees and Nationals. / D