Using Tanzania as a case-study, this dissertation approaches the land grab issue in Tanzania with the following two main research question: How are new farmland investments shaping political dynamics and actors’ interactions in Tanzania? And, how actors’ interactions between and within levels of governance influence farmland investments’ outcomes at the local level? I tackle these questions by proposing an original theoretical framework which is based on two main assertions. First, local outcomes associated with farmland investments in Tanzania result from actors’ interactions. Second, these interactions are shaped by the interplay between three main elements: contingencies (C), actors’ agency (A), and structure (S). I use the acronym CAS to refer to these three elements. CAS, by combining various theoretical insights, is analytically productive because it furthers our understanding of what shapes relations among actors, and accounts for how their interactions change in time and space. It contributes significantly to the literature on land grabbing by proposing a unified analytical tool that builds up on the relational perspective that has been proposed by different scholars. In addition, CAS allows researchers to overcome misleading categorisations and to question dominant narratives that have been associated with the land grabbing literature. This dissertation is divided into 9 chapters. After the usual literature review (Chapter 1), theoretical framework (Chapter 2) and method (Chapter 3) chapters, Chapter 4 gets into the crux of the matter by first briefly presents Tanzania’s historical trajectory, with a specific focus on land policies in order to introduce this thesis’s empirical chapters, and to situate the reader in regards to Tanzania politics. Chapter 5 analysed land policies and related politics at the national level. It highlighted that actors’ interactions in relation to new farmland investments participate to the process of state formation. Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 both adopted a local perspective to capture the impacts associated with new farmland investments in district political arenas. More specifically, chapter 6 highlighted the importance of not overstating the authority of the central state, rather insisting on the key role played by intermediaries in Rufiji district. Chapter 7, seeking to capture how a specific investment has restructured the local political agrarian economy in Missenyi district, argued that Kagera Sugar safeguards its operational profitability by creating locally mediated market relations. It led to the emergence of new local patrons who used their position to benefit and foster their own material interests at villagers’ expense. Chapter 8 adopted a micro perspective, examining the political dynamics associated with investors-related land conflicts in a village in Missenyi district. I compared and explained why actors’ interactions are different even in the same institutional context, highlighting that the same local context may produce different CASs. In sum, this dissertation’s main findings are as follow. First, investments’ local impacts are contingent on investments’ terms of inclusion and exclusion that are constantly being negotiated between numerous actors. Second, although all actors exert their agency, their very capacity to negotiate and shape the social structure is partly influenced by structural constraints themselves. Third, it is interesting to note that specific local actors—and not necessarily the most powerful—such as district officials win almost every time, at least more than all the others. Although their place in the institutional architecture is decisive, it also shows that their capacity and ability to exert their agency is crucial: these district officials may have known better than others how to play their cards in the new Tanzanian farmland investment game. Fourth, even though processes through which new farmland investments affect the local political economy vary according to structural components (historical and institutional legacies), in both districts, the associated local outcomes were very similar. There are few exceptions, but the general trend in Tanzania is that most of the benefits associated with new farmland investments, the commodification of land and the increase of capital flows, are captured by government officials and political elites.

The growing demand for biofuels in the European Union is expected to have a significant impact on rural environments in sub-Saharan Africa. In the wake of Directive 2009/28/EC, Ghana experienced a rapid rise in foreign land acquisitions and direct investments to its agricultural sector. The potential implications of this development are multi-fold: While proponents of the EU biofuels policy stress the potential for agricultural development and improved energy security in the region, its opponents criticise the lack of binding rules and regulations concerning social sustainability and indirect land use changes. As a means of assessing the validity of these opposing views, this research paper provides an analysis of the directive's impact on Ghanaian energy security and agricultural development in the country. The analysis is based on key informant interviews and a comprehensive literature reviews. It is concluded that the potential of host countries to generate benefits from the cultivation of energy crops largely rests on their institutional framework. In Ghana, foreign biofuel investments appear to have at least partially resulted in negative socio-economic impacts on local rural communities. Formal and informal land rights, as well as land acquisition procedures present significant obstacles. Civil action and the proposal for a new national biofuels policy indicate, however, that the country could eventually emerge as a beneficiary of the global trend towards biofuels.

This paper examines and problematize the effects of biofuel production by focusing on local communities in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The premise lays in a critique of neoliberal thoughts of development and the concept of sustainable development. The establishment of biofuel production in SSA has been depicted to carry with it opportunities of development for the rural population. However, there have been a big interest from foreign actors looking to invest in sub-Saharan biofuel production which have raced concern for land grabbing. A conflict of interest has emerged between Southern and Northern interests. A literature study is used as the method to examine reported outcomes on local communities in the proximity of biofuel production in order to determine if sub-Saharan biofuel production is established for the development need of SSA or the interest of the North. To analyze the results a theoretical framework has been constructed from concepts of large-scale land acquisition (land grabbing), environmental justice and the four worldviews market liberalism, institutionalism, bioenvironmentalism and social greens. The paper concludes that the large-scale production of biofuels is highly problematic due to the risk of land grabbing and Northern mitigation schemes are based on Southern lands raises the question of environmental justice. Depending on which worldview one adopts there can be several explanations to why this occur.

I am submitting this thesis to the Faculty of Law, the University of Ottawa in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) in August 2016. The thesis examined the issue of land-grabbing through an environmental justice lens. The thesis first reviewed the concept of environmental justice and the threats that land-grabbing by powerful transnational corporations pose to subsistence communities in Africa. Additionally, this study investigated the adequacy of international guidelines to regulate against land-grabbing, including the Minimum Human Rights Principles, the Voluntary Guidelines on the Responsible Governance of Tenure, and the Principles for Responsible Agricultural Investments. Using Cameroon as my case study, the study also examined the adequacy of Cameroon’s land tenure rules and environmental impact assessment (EIA) system to protect vulnerable communities against land-grabbing. Drawing on examples from Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Tanzania, and Uganda, this thesis argues that subsistence communities who failed to have their customary land rights formalized or failed to adequately participate in environmental decision-making end up dispossessed of their means of surviving and thriving. There were three key findings: first, international guidelines regulating against global land-grabbing lack the binding force to coerce host states to take the necessary action to enforce the guidelines and, hence promote responsible agricultural investments. Next, the land rights of subsistence Cameroonians are not formally recognized under Cameroon`s land tenure system, making it difficult for vulnerable populations to contest these allocations or receive compensation in the event of expropriation. Thirdly, EIA follow-up in Cameroon is driven entirely by the investor: the EIA system does not encourage a joint follow-up activity initiated by all groups of stakeholders involved in EIA. Without an independent environmental oversight body that can provide expert evaluation and monitor the Cameroon government and (agricultural) corporations, there is no guarantee that proposed mitigation measures will be translated into specific actions by Herakles Farms. Based on the evaluation results, the following recommendations are made to the Cameroon Government to promote environmental justice in communities that are vulnerable to land-grabbing: (1) formalize customary land tenure, (2) promote environmental contracting; (3) encourage sustainability assessments.

This thesis examines the Chinese investment programme; the Belt and Road Initiative, through a post-colonial lens, to categorise whether it fits the postcolonial draining of emerging economies. The purpose of this research is to broaden the way we see post-colonial relationships and contribute to the notion that all advanced economies can have a draining relationship with emerging ones. This is done by examining the geographical and economical aspects of the BRI-projects in two states; Kenya and Sri Lanka, to detect draining. The thesis comes to the conclusion that China, through the Belt and Road Initiative, fits the post-colonial description of draining the examined states. The results hopefully mean a humble contribution to the broadening of what is included in the post-colonial theory.

Efter finanskrisen 2007–2008 blev jordbruksmark attraktiv som en investeringsmöjlighet, vilket innebar att många utländska företag, stater eller privata investerare förvärvade storskaliga områden av odlingsbar mark. Detta fenomen, som kallas för land grabbing, är särskilt förekommande i utvecklingsländer och det globala syd. Trots påståenden om att sådana investeringar kan bidra till utveckling och möjligheter i fattiga länder, visar forskning att det i själva verket har motsatt effekt. Syftet med detta arbete är att genomföra en litteraturstudie för att undersöka konsekvenser av land grabbing i Etiopien. En kvalitativ forskningsstrategi som består av litteraturstudie har använts. Med hjälp av aspekter inom teorier om försörjning såsom naturkapital, fysiskt kapital, mänskligt kapital, finansiellt kapital och socialt kapital samt tematisk analys har litteraturen analyserats. Resultatet visar att storskaliga land grabbing i Etiopien har en direkt påverkan på den lokala befolkningens försörjningsmöjligheter som undermineras genom förluster av mark samt tillgång till mark och viktiga naturresurser. Studien visar även att de utländska markinvesteringarnas hantering och produktion av bland annat kaffe, biobränsle, gruvdrift vidare har en negativ påverkan på miljön, biologisk mångfald och det lokala ekosystemet. Detta har resulterat i en matosäkerhet och socioekonomisk utsatthet bland befolkningen. Studien visar också att lokalbefolkningen inte inkluderas i beslutsfattande som rör deras mark och att de oftast inte får tillräcklig kompensation/ersättning för förlust av mark eller andra tillgångar, vilket tyder på brott mot mänskliga rättigheter. / After the financial crisis of 2007–2008, agricultural land became an attractive investment opportunity, which meant that many foreign companies, states, or private investors acquired large-scale land areas. This phenomenon, called land grabbing, is particularly prevalent in developing countries and the global south. Despite claims that such investment can contribute to development and opportunity in poorer countries, research shows it has the opposite effect. The purpose of this work is to conduct a literature study to investigate the consequences of land grabbing in Ethiopia. A qualitative research strategy consisting of a literature study has been used. The data was analyzed by using aspects of the livelihood approach such as natural capital, physical capital, human capital, financial capital, and social capital as well as a thematic analysis. The results show that large-scale land grabbing in Ethiopia has a direct impact on the livelihood of the local population, which is undermined through losses of land and access to land and important natural resources. The study also shows that the foreign land investments' management and production of, among other things, coffee, biofuel, and mining also harm the environment, biological diversity, and the local ecosystem. This has resulted in food insecurity and socioeconomic vulnerability among the population. Furthermore, the study also shows that local people are not included in decision-making concerning their land and they often do not receive sufficient compensation for the loss of land or other assets, which indicates violations of human rights.

This study has the aim to analyze what impacts land grabbing in Rift Valley, Kenya, has on rural poor, as it is perceived from a gendered perspective. Land acquisitions, or land grabbing, is a growing global phenomenon, where companies and states (foreign and domestic) are claiming land for investments, to secure the growing demand for food and biofuels, with neg-ative impacts on the rural population. Most exposed are the rural poor women. The gender issue is however not analyzed in a proper way in the debate, which is why study is important.In Rift Valley, Kenya the situation is slightly different with domestic actors standing behind the grabs. The consequences are nonetheless felt by the rural poor population, especially by the women. Through field studies and interviews with women exposed to the phenomenon I have found that even though legislation exists to provide human rights, these are often violat-ed on the ground. Women’s experiences are examined and together with other first- and sec-ondary sources these are analyzed with the theoretical lens of post-colonial feminism and the capabilities approach, leading to the conclusion that women are more vulnerable for land grabs but are capable actors fighting to make their lives better.

The intertwined challenges of food insecurity, deforestation, and biodiversity loss remain perennial challenges in Ethiopia, despite increasing policy interventions. This thesis investigates smallholding farmers’ tree- and forest-based livelihoods and management practices, in the context of national development and conservation policies, and examines how these local management practices and policies transform the agriculture–forest mosaic landscapes of southwestern Ethiopia. The thesis is guided by a political ecology perspective, and focuses on an analytical framework of ecosystem services (ESs) and disservices (EDs). It uses a mixed research design with data from participatory field mapping, a tree ‘inventory’, interviews, focus group discussions, population censuses, and analysis of satellite images and aerial photos. The thesis presents four papers. Paper I investigates how smallholding farmers in an agriculture–forest mosaic landscape manage trees and forests in relation to a few selected ESs and EDs that they consider particularly beneficial or problematic. The farmers’ management practices were geared towards mitigating tree- and forest-related EDs such as wild mammal crop raiders, while at the same time augmenting ESs such as shaded coffee production, resulting in a restructuring of the agriculture–forest mosaic. Paper II builds further on the EDs introduced in paper I, to assess the effects of crop raids by forest-dwelling wild mammals on farmers’ livelihoods. The EDs of wild mammals and human–wildlife conflict are shown to constitute a problem that goes well beyond a narrow focus on yield loss. The paper illustrates the broader impacts of crop-raiding wild mammals on local agricultural and livelihood development (e.g. the effects on food security and children’s schooling), and how state forest and wildlife control and related conservation policy undermined farmers’ coping strategies. Paper III examines local forest-based livelihood sources and how smallholders’ access to forests is reduced by state transfer of forestland to private companies for coffee investment. This paper highlights how relatively small land areas appropriated for investment in relatively densely inhabited areas can harm the livelihoods of many farmers, and also negatively affect forest conservation. Paper IV investigates the patterns and drivers of forest cover change from 1958 to 2010. Between 1973 and 2010, 25% of the total forest was lost, and forest cover changes varied both spatially and temporally. State development and conservation policies spanning various political economies (feudal, socialist, and ‘free market-oriented’) directly or indirectly affected local ecosystem use, ecosystem management practices, and migration processes. These factors (policies, local practices, and migration) have thus together shaped the spatial patterns of forest cover change in the last 50 years. The thesis concludes that national development and conservation policies and the associated power relations and inequality have often undermined local livelihood security and forest conservation efforts. It also highlights how a conceptualization of a local ecosystem as a provider of both ESs and EDs can generate an understanding of local practices and decisions that shape development and conservation trajectories in mosaic landscapes. The thesis draws attention to the need to make development and conservation policies relevant and adaptable to local conditions as a means to promote local livelihood and food security, forest and biodiversity conservation, and ESs generated by agricultural mosaic landscapes. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: In press. Paper 3: Submitted. Paper 4: Manuscript.</p>

A questão agrária em Minas Gerais é permeada por conflitos e por uma estrutura fundiária concentradora, cujas raízes encontra-se no processo de formação da propriedade privada da terra. Buscando compreender essa questão, a partir de uma leitura geográfica, analisei processos de divisão e demarcação de terras particulares, que tramitaram na antiga Comarca de Grão Mogol, no Norte de Minas Gerais. Esses processos tiveram amparo jurídico no Decreto Nº 720 de 05 de setembro de 1890 promulgado durante o Governo Provisório e insere-se no conjunto de medidas legais que permearam a transferência do controle das terras devolutas para os Estados. A divisão e demarcação de terras foi uma estratégia geopolítica utilizada pelas elites fundiárias locais e regionais para se apropriarem das terras públicas devolutas. Nas décadas de 1920 e 1930, quando tramitaram os processos de divisão e demarcação de terras no Norte de Minas Gerais, teve início a grilagem judicial que transformou grileiros em proprietários de terras. Esse processo desigual de apropriação privada das terras públicas envolveu a extração da renda fundiária, em diferentes contextos, que se somaram ao longo do avanço do modo de produção capitalista sobre as terras soltas, terras livres, de uso comum nos gerais. A partir da década de 1960, em decorrência de mais uma aliança entre o Estado e os rentistas (elites locais e empresas de plantio de madeira para produção de carvão para as siderúrgicas), através da SUDENE e RURALMINAS, na fração do território estudada, por meio de contratos de arrendamentos foram entregues mais de 500 mil hectares de terras devolutas a empresas, que desmataram o Cerrado e a Caatinga e invadiram as terras de morada, trabalho e reprodução da vida das famílias camponesas geraizeiras. O pacto rentista, segue em curso, com a territorialização dos monopólios das empresas monoculturas de árvores e de exploração mineral. Como consequência desse processo desigual e contraditório, iniciado com a adjudicação de terras na década de 1930, desdobrou-se a retaliação fundiária, conceito que utilizo para explicar dois movimentos: de um lado, realiza-se o confinamento das famílias geraizeiras em porções recortadas de terras alheias às suas práticas costumeiras de uso, submetendo camponeses ao trabalho nas carvoarias ou no plantio de eucalipto e até a expulsão de suas terras de morada. De outro lado, as lutas geraizeiras pela conquista e retomada de suas terras de uso tradicional, ao qual se somam as lutas territoriais indígena e quilombola. Esta tese também tem o propósito de evidenciar o embate dialético colocado entre o direito e o rentismo, a partir da análise da disputa também judicial pela autodemarcação do Território Tradicional Geraizeiro do Vale das Cancelas, abrangendo terras nos municípios de Grão Mogol, Josenópolis, Riacho dos Machados e Padre Carvalho, atualmente distribuídos na jurisdição das Comarcas de Grão Mogol, Porteirinha e Salinas, cujas terras têm sido alvo da prática da grilagem judicial e do processo de retaliação fundiária, iniciado com as ações de divisão e demarcação de fazendas, dentre as quais, algumas sequer existiram, mas que tiveram sua origem documental judicialmente legitimadas. / The agrarian issue in the state of Minas Gerais is permeated by conflicts and by a concentrated land structure, whose roots lie in the process of formation of private land property. Seeking to comprehend this issue, based on a geographic reading, i analyze procedures of division and demarcation in private lands, which were processed in the former Grão Mogol County, a northern city of Minas Gerais. These procedures were legally protect by the Decree nº 720 of September 5th, 1890 promulgated during the Provisional Government and is part of the legal measures that permeated the transfer of control of the vacant lands of Brazilian states. Land division and demarcation was a geopolitical strategy used by local and regional land elites to appropriate the vacant public lands. In the decades of 1920 and 1930, when processes of division and demarcation of lands in the North of Minas Gerais were processed, judicial land grabbing began, transforming grabbers in landowners. This unequal procedures of private appropriation of public lands involved the extraction of land income, on loose lands, free lands commonly used in general. Since the 1960s, as a result of a further alliance between the state and the renties (local elites and the timber companies for the production of coal for steel mills), through SUDENE (Superintendence of the Development of Brazilian Northeast) and RURALMINAS (Rural Institution of Minas Gerais), in the fraction of the territory studied, for in the middle of lease agreements, more than 500,000 hectares of vacant lands (terras devolutas) were delivered to companies that deforested the Cerrado and the Caatinga, and invaded the homestead, work and reproduction of the life of the Geraizeira peasant families. The rentier pact continues, with the territorialisation of the monopolies of companies of monoculture of trees and mineral exploration. As a consequence of this unequal and contradictory process, begun with the adjudication of lands in the 1930s, land retaliation was deployed, a concept that i use to explain two movements: on one hand, the families of Geraizeiras are confined in cut-out portions of Lands alien to their customary practices of use, subjecting peasants to work in charcoal or eucalyptus plantations, and even the expulsion of their land. On the other hand, the Geraizeiras struggles for the conquest and resumption of their lands of traditional use, to which are added the territorial struggles indigenous and quilombola. This thesis also has the purpose of evidencing the dialectical conflict between rights and rentism, from the analysis of the judicial dispute for the autodemarcation of the Tradicional Geraizeiro Territory of Vale das Cancelas, covering lands in the municipalities of Grão Mogol, Josenópolis, Riacho dos Machados and Padre Carvalho, currently distributed in the jurisdiction of the Counties of Grão Mogol, Porteirinha and Salinas, whose lands have been subject to the practice of judicial land grabbing and the process of land retaliation, initiated with the actions of division and demarcation of farms, among the which, some even existed, but had their documentary origin judicially legitimized.

<p>During 2008 we experienced an expansion of large scale investments in foreign farmland. This increasing trend has become a political hot-spot, but there is not much research available within the field. Due to a lack of research it remains a vital task to outline the potential effects of this trend. Drawing on existing ideas from some of the main actors within the field, The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), The World Bank, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) and the latest G8 summit on agriculture, four main purposes are set out for this paper. First, to outline some of the underlying mechanisms behind the trend is considered crucial for the understanding of the nature of these investments. Second, this paper reviews how these actors’ deals with this trend in relation to one of the core objects in the field of Political Science, namely national sovereignty. Furthermore, this paper examines how existing ideas may affect the global vision of reaching a sustainable development and the global commitment to reduce poverty. Using key concepts of sovereignty, globalization theory, development theory and the green theory as a basis for comparison, this study reaches some interesting findings. Some of the key findings are;</p><p>- The actors, in the scope of this study, have a common understanding of the trend. Joint commitments and actions can therefore be expected from the international community.</p><p>- National sovereignty is not considerd when discussing the regulation of the trend. Furthermore, sovereignty is not equally distributed between rich and poor countries.</p><p>- Based on current ideas about development we will very unlikely be able to reduce poverty and at the same time reach the vision on a sustainable society. The two concepts are currently not compatible.</p>