La thèse consiste en l’édition des lettres grecques des archives de Dioscore d’Aphrodité (Égypte, VIe s. apr. J.-C.), qui constituent le plus important ensemble papyrologique d'époque byzantine connu de nos jours. Quatre-vingt-cinq documents y sont présentés sous la forme d'une nouvelle édition – ou, dans le cas de textes inédits, d'une première édition –, qui s'accompagne d'une traduction et d'un commentaire. La mise en parallèle des textes souvent fragmentaires du corpus, dont les pièces demeurent dispersées dans les collections du monde entier suite à la découverte clandestine des archives, a en outre permis de raccorder certains fragments encore inédits à des pièces déjà répertoriées, et de contribuer ainsi à la restitution d'un texte plus complet. Au-delà de l'aspect philologique, l’apport de cette documentation est aussi bien culturel qu’historique : elle permet d’éclairer l’arrière-plan multilingue en comparant la correspondance officielle écrite en grec avec la correspondance privée des mêmes archives, qui était de préférence rédigée en copte, ainsi qu'en analysant les pratiques d'écritures de certains scribes bilingues ; elle révèle les modalités épistolaires et les usages propres à la pratique écrite de l’administration ; elle dévoile les différents problèmes, matériels ou financiers, auxquels un village de Moyenne-Égypte devait faire face dans son quotidien ; enfin, elle contribue à la connaissance des institutions administratives et des rapports entre instances centrales et locales un siècle avant la conquête arabo-musulmane de l'Égypte. / The dissertation concerns the edition and the study of the Greek letters belonging to the archive of Dioscorus of Aphrodite (Egypt, VI CE), the largest papyrological ensemble of the Byzantine age. Eighty-five documents are analyzed and highlighted by virtue of a new edition - or, when it comes to unpublished texts, of a first edition - followed by a translation and a commentary. Moreover, the study of the corpus, which is scattered across different collections around the world as a consequence of the clandestine discovery of the archive, allowed to join some unpublished fragments to some already known texts and to reconstruct, in this way, a more complete text. The contribution of this documentation is not only philological, but also cultural and historical: by comparing the official correspondence written in Greek with the private correspondence from the same archive, which was preferably written in Coptic, it helps to illuminate the multilingual background; it unfolds the modalities of epistolary exchanges and the written practices of the administration; it reveals the issues encountered by an Upper Egypt village in its daily life; finally, it contributes to the knowledge of the administrative institutions, as well as to the comprehension of the relations between central and local authorities a century before the Arab-Muslim conquest of Egypt.

Ce travail de doctorat porte sur la xenia en Grande Syrie, du règne de Constantin à celui de Justinien. La comparaison des usages grec et syriaque de la notion d’hospitalité a mis en évidence d’importantes modifications sémantiques qui reflètent des divergences irréductibles entre les conceptions païennes et chrétiennes de l’hospitalité. Cette notion se christianise au cours des IVe-VIe siècles, jusqu’à devenir un objet théologique, apanage des milieux monastiques, syriaques notamment. Mais la christianisation des mentalités implique-t-elle nécessairement une modification profonde des pratiques sociales culturelles de l’accueil et une mutation complète des structures matérielles où se déroulent les activités du recevoir ? L’étude des structures d’hospitalité a révélé la pérennité de la localisation des structures d’accueil à l’échelle du territoire syrien tout au long de l’Antiquité tardive, même si la diversité des solutions adoptées, à l’échelle des structures elles-mêmes, semble témoigner d’un réel attachement aux traditions régionales. Enfin, l’analyse des acteurs de l’hospitalité a révélé que les moines sont loin d’être les seuls acteurs de l’hospitalité en Grande Syrie. Il existe par ailleurs un paradoxe entre le discours normé et universaliste de l’accueil chrétien et la réalité telle que nous pouvons la décrypter. Les liens entre hospitalité et dissidence doivent être envisagés. De nouveaux critères de sélection des hôtes apparaissent à la fin de l’Antiquité. L’hérésie réintroduit l’idée de critères particuliers, ce qui engendre une déconstruction du modèle social et de nouveaux enjeux politiques, lesquels semblent conditionner la naissance de l’Église miaphysite. / This doctoral thesis deals with xenia in Great Syria from Constantine’s reign to Justinian’s. The comparison between the Greek and the Syriac uses of the notion of hospitality brings to light important semantic modifications that reflect irreducible differences between the Pagan and Christian conceptions of hospitality. This notion gets Christianized in the course of the 4th and 5th centuries, to the point of becoming a theological topic, privilege of monastic milieux, particularly Syriac ones. But how far does the Christianization of mentalities necessarily imply a deep modification in cultural and social practices of reception and a complete change in the material structures in which reception activities take place? The study of hospitality structures and facilities reveals the durability of the localization of reception structures at the level of the Syrian territory throughout late Antiquity, even if, at the level of the structures themselves, the diversity of the solutions adopted seems to testify to a real attachment to regional traditions. Finally, the examination of the protagonists of hospitality shows that monks are far from being the only actors of hospitality in Great Syria. Besides, there is a contradiction between the standard universalist discourse of Christian welcoming and reality, as we can decipher it. The links between hospitality and dissidence have to be considered. New criteria of selection of hosts and guests appear in Late Antiquity. Heresy re-introduces the idea of specific criteria into use, which causes the “deconstruction” of the social pattern and new political stakes, which seem to influence the birth of the Non-Chalcedonian Church.

Die Dissertation versucht einerseits die Form, die Methode und die Struktur von Philoponos Kommentar zur Physik neu zu interpretieren und andererseits seine Theorie des Ortes (Topos) eingehend zu untersuchen. Das Buch besteht aus fünf Kapiteln und es enthält ein Vorwort, einen Epilog und ein Literaturverzeichnis. Philoponus schlägt eine doppelte Ortsbestimmung vor. Er unterscheidet zwischen dem Ort, der leer ist, der dreidimensionalen Erweiterung, die sich ontologisch von Körpern unterscheidet, und dem Begriff des Ortes, der von Körpern erfüllt wird. Philoponos strebt danach die Beziehung zwischen dem Ort und dem Körper neu zu definieren und unterstreicht den ontologischen Unterschied, den eine körperlose Erweiterung von einer körperlichen Erweiterung haben sollte. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auch auf Philoponos Kritik an der Definition von Ort laut Aristoteles und an der Peripatetischen Tradition (Eudemos, Themistios) bezüglich des Ortes des Himmels. Abschließend kommt das Buch zu dem Schluss, dass Philoponos Strategie sowohl in den Exkursen des Kommentars als auch in gewissen Teilen seiner Exegese in drei Stufen dargestellt werden kann: Er weist erstens die Gültigkeit der Kritik von Aristoteles und Themistios gegen das Konzept der lokalen Erweiterung zurück; zweitens greift er die aristotelische Definition des Ortes an, indem er seine Schwächen und Unstimmigkeiten mit der Natur der Dinge zeigt; und drittens stellt er seine eigene Theorie des Ortes dar. Das Ergebnis ist ein wertvolles Argumentarium über den Ort und ein wichtiger Beitrag für die Physik der Spätantike. / The dissertation attempts to interpret afresh, on the one hand, the form, methodology and structure of Philoponus’ commentary on the Physics and, on the other hand, to study in depth his theory of place (topos). The book extends over five chapters and includes a preface, an epilogue and a bibliography. Philoponus attempts a double determination of place. He distinguishes between the place which is void, three-dimensional extension that is ontological different from bodies, and the concept of place that is filled by bodies. Philoponus wishes to redefine the relationship between place and body and he underlines the ontological difference that a bodiless extension should have from a bodily extension. The thesis also focuses on Philoponus’ critique of Aristotle’s definition of place and the Peripatetic tradition (Eudemus, Themistius) regarding the place of the heavens. The book concludes that, Philoponus’ strategy in the digressions of the commentary, but also in certain parts of his exegeses, can be seen in three stages: first, he repudiates the cogency of Aristotle’s and Themistius’ critique to the concept of local extension; second, he attacks the Aristotelian definition of place by showing its weaknesses and inconsistencies with the nature of things; and third, he establishes his own theory of place. The result is a valuable set of arguments regarding place and a major contribution to the physics of late antiquity.

Le De natura hominis de Némésius d’Émèse a surtout été étudié pour ses sources (Galien, Porphyre, Philopator) et pour son anthropologie. Il constitue pourtant l’un des apports les plus importants de la pensée chrétienne antique sur la question du destin, de l’autodétermination et de la providence, auquel ont notamment puisé Maxime le confesseur, Jean Damascène et Thomas d’Aquin. Notre étude a pour but de dégager la position de Némésius et son originalité au sein de la pensée patristique et face aux débats de la philosophie antique sur ces questions majeures. La première partie présente une contextualisation de l’œuvre et un status questionis sur sa datation, son plan, sa nature et ses destinataires, afin d’en dégager l’unité et la cohérence apologétique. La deuxième partie se propose, à travers la traduction commentée des chapitres 1 et 3, de manifester la logique interne du traité en relevant les éléments qui introduisent et préparent le traitement de la providence (place de l’homme au sein de l’univers, union de l’âme et du corps, ses origines et eschatologie). La troisième et dernière partie offre une traduction commentée des chapitres 35 à 43 spécifiquement consacrés au destin, à l’autodétermination et à la providence. De ces analyses, se dégage le profil d’une œuvre apologétique qui se distingue par la qualité de son approche philosophique, par la transcription au moyen de notions techniquement élaborées de l’idée chrétienne de la providence divine et par un intéressant développement sur la permission du mal et son sens dans le plan divin. / The De natura hominis of Nemesius Emesa has principally been studied for its sources (Galen, Porphyry, Philopator) and its anthropology. However, it is one of the most important contributions of ancient Christian thought on the question of destiny, self-determination and Providence, inspiring Maximus the Confessor, John Damascene and Thomas Aquinas. Our study aims to identify Nemesius’ position and originality in patristic thought, and among the debates of ancient philosophy on these major issues. The first part presents a contextualization of the work and status questionis on the date it was written, its plan, its nature and recipients, in order to identify its unity and apologetical coherence. The second part proposes, through the translation and the Commentary of Chapters 1 and 3, to show the internal logic of the work, emphasizing the elements that introduce and prepare the treatment of Providence (the place of man in the universe, the union of soul and body, its origins and eschatology). The third and final part offers a translation and a Commentary of chapters 35 to 43, specifically devoted to fate, self-determination and Providence. From this analysis, there emerges the profile of an apologetic work that is distinguished by the quality of its philosophical approach, the transcription of the Christian idea of divine Providence through technically developed notions, and an interesting development on the permission of evil and its meaning in the divine plan.

This thesis examines the changing meaning and conceptualisation of the city boundary of Rome, from the late republic and imperial periods into late antiquity. It is my aim in this study to present a range of archaeological and historical material from three areas of interest: the historical development of the city boundary, from the pomerium to the Aurelian wall, change and continuity in the ritual activities associated with the border, and the reasons for the shift in burial topography in the fifth century AD. I propose that each of these three subject areas will demonstrate the wide range of restrictions and associations made with the city boundary of Rome, and will note in particular instances of continuity into late antiquity. It is shown that there is a great degree of continuity in the behaviours of the inhabitants of Rome with regard to the conceptualisation of their city boundary. The wider proposal made during the course of this study, is that the fifth century was significant in the development of Rome – archaeologically, historically, and conceptually – but not for the reasons that are traditionally given. I have pushed back against the idea that this era was defined by its turbulence, and have constructed an argument that highlights the vast inheritance of the city of Rome that is so often ignored in discussions of the fifth century.

In this thesis, I examine the rhetorical strategies in Jenn Schiffer’s satirical conference talks in which she comments upon her own tech community. In part, I consider her arguments under the theoretical lenses of Burke, Epicurus, and Camus, theories placed alongside the reflective writing of Ullman as a queer woman in that selfsame community. I also discuss the pedagogical opportunities of such an analysis–of tech conference talks in general–to the modern student in our technologically-connected age. Finally, in the long term, I plan to connect the outcomes of this project to a larger project in partial fulfillment of a doctorate degree in Information Science, a project which will investigate the feedback loops between policy, software development, users of information and communications technology (ICT), and humanistic self-expression.

This thesis explores the sophistication of the ancient Roman economy through an analysis of credit instruments in elite finances. The study of the ancient economy is a contentious but important field of study, within which exists a lively scholarly debate. This project seeks to contribute to that debate through the investigation of late republican finances, using Cicero's Letters to Atticus. By studying Cicero's financial maneuvers and commentary, this thesis argues that elite usage of nomina during this time period provides evidence for the existence of a sophisticated elite credit system. Such a system allowed for the development of nomina as flexible credit instruments for Roman elites competing in a fraught socio-political context.

La présente étude interroge la conceptualisation chrétienne de l’autorité et des interrelations politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive, à travers motif assez récurrent dans les textes chrétiens des IVe et Ve siècles pour être considéré comme une stratégie rhétorique, celui des associations ‘empereur-croix’. À la confluence de ces deux référents suprêmes de la souveraineté, l’empereur et la croix, se pense et se construit une autre autorité personnelle ou collective, pensée comme médiatrice. Une association peut se définir comme un groupement entre au moins deux entités, concrètes et symboliques, dans un but commun, celui de la royauté glorieuse de l’empereur, du Christ et de leurs médiateurs. La croix y est sollicitée dans son acception prodigiale, en tant que signe puissant et dynamique, iconique et théologique. Elle peut donc être intégrée à une unité de temps et de lieu ou à un discours métaphorique et allégorique. L’objet de la présente enquête est de démontrer que les tenants d’une autorité médiatrice, qu’ils soient laïcs ou ecclésiastiques, revendiquent une visibilité et une assise politique, que le prince est capable de leur concéder, leurs pairs en mesure de leur reconnaître, et auxquelles le peuple peut adhérer. Par conséquent, les associations ‘empereur-croix’ servent un discours engagé, partisan et conquérant, réclamant ou se réclamant d’une autorité spécifiquement chrétienne. Dans tous les cas, celui qui manipule la puissance de la croix est bénéficiaire de qualités prophétiques qui légitiment son inclusion politique. De ce fait, la qualité médiatrice se construit sur la concurrence entre intermédiaires ou sur l’appropriation de cette qualité par le truchement de la loi, et non sur un conflit avec l’autorité impériale. En associant l’empereur et la croix dans leurs textes, les auteurs fabriquent des interactions, des rapports relationnels, des systèmes de contact, qui, loin d’un paysage binaire, révèlent une véritable dynamique de liens politiques multiples et multiformes dans l’Antiquité tardive et non un essoufflement et une ‘standardisation’ de ceux-ci. / This study investigates the Christian conceptualization of authority and its political contexts by focusing on a rather common but never systematically analyzed rhetorical strategy in the texts of the 4th and 5th centuries: the associations between the Roman Emperor and the symbol of the cross. At the interface between the Emperor and the cross stands another authority, personal or collective, who is considered a mediator. Concrete or symbolic associations between at least two parties usually form themselves under a common goal: the glorious kingdom of Emperor, Christ, and their mediators. In this case, the cross is solicited in its profuse meaning as a powerful and dynamic sign, both iconic and theological; it is thus integrated in a specific setting of time and place or in a metaphorical and allegorical discourse. The goal of this study is to look at the different proponents of a mediating authority, whether secular or ecclesiastical, and their claims for visibility, political basis and public recognition. The manifold associations between the Emperor and the cross are part of a vibrant discourse, which is both partisan and conquering in reclaiming a specific Christian authority; and whoever is able to manipulate the power of the cross gains prophetic qualities that also legitimize political participation. Thus, the capacity to act as a mediator builds upon competition between intermediaries or upon the appropriation of this capacity by legal means, but not upon conflict with the Imperial authority. In associating the Emperor and the cross in the texts, the authors describe interactions and networks of contacts. Rather than breathless and “standardized” processes, these networks reveal the multiple and polymorphic dynamics of political relationships in Late Antiquity.

This paper argues the institution of Roman bathing was an instrument of cultural hegemony, which allowed the Roman Empire to maintain hegemony over the Roman provinces. Numerous frameworks have been suggested in order to provide a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between Rome and the provinces. Roman imperialism has been a topic of debate for over one hundred years and the vicissitudes of scholarly thought are highlighted by the changes in the characterization of the theory of Romanization. In the recent past, scholars have sought a framework that could progress beyond the problematic concept of Romanization in order to better understand acculturation in the Roman provinces. In this paper, I provide an alternative method for examining the somewhat hackneyed issue of Roman imperialism. I argue the relationship between Rome and the provinces can be examined through the Gramcian theory of cultural hegemony. Using cultural hegemony, I explore the political consequences of direct change acculturation of the provinces of the Roman Empire. I argue that Roman culture was an efficacious mechanism for the dissemination of Roman ideology and diffusion of the Roman worldview was politically advantageous for Rome. Furthermore, I argue the custom of public bathing was a Roman cultural phenomenon that aided the Empire in preserving their hegemony in the provinces.

People of late antiquity were subjected to the universal and perennial human woes - injustice, affliction, adversity and pain - that cause suffering. The experience of suffering is subjective. There are however, common sources of and expressions of suffering in humans. The fourth century was a period of significant cultural and social changes which drew responses from pagans that not only reflected traditional knowledge but also engaged with new sets of ideas. This thesis examines the problem of evil and suffering as experienced by pagans of the fourth century of the Common Era. Having received imperial sanction from the emperor Constantine after his conversion in 312, Christianity was gaining momentum in both membership and strength. The Graeco-Roman world had become one where Christianity, it seemed to some, had effectively surpassed pagan state cult Against this backdrop of religious change, pagans had taken on a self-consciousness that engendered a rethinking of many traditional ways of coping with and explaining the evils of the world and the suffering that could result from them. Some rules and conditions had changed, so how and where could pagans seek explanation for, protection from or alleviation of their suffering? The study addresses this question by posing and responding to further questions. Firstly, how did pagans understand the presence of evil and suffering in the world? Secondly, from what sources, natural or supernatural, could they draw hope in the face of evil and suffering? And thirdly, what degree of autonomy could pagans claim in approaching the problem? Religion and philosophy might be perceived by pagans to contain the answers to why there was evil and suffering in the world. The addition of science and the occult to religion and philosophy offered further ways through which pagans might seek to deal with the problem. By drawing primarily on extant literary evidence from the period as well as selected material evidence (predominantly pagan, but including some Christian), the research will trace the evolution of ideas regarding evil and suffering that pagan thinkers were bringing to the contemporary debate. / Thesis (M.A.) - University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2008