Sweden like other Nordic countries are cited as models in terms of gender equality in the world. In addition, they played a significant role in the process of changing the Declaration on eradication of discrimination against women (CEDAW) into a binding Convention. However, the report Captured Queen on men’s violence against women published by Brottsoffer-myndigheten (The Crime Victim Compensation and Support Authority) in 2001 showed the extend of this issue of society in Sweden. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how the situation of men’s violence against women in close relationships in Sweden is presented today since the publication of the report Captured Queen in 2001.The theoretical framework consists of the feminist perspectives and concept of hegemonic masculinities. Qualitative method and secondary materials were used to gain a deeper understanding of the issue of men’s violence against women in close relationships in Sweden. The main findings of this thesis show that men’s violence against women in close relationships is a real social problem in Sweden. There is no specific profile of violent men against women in Sweden, since they come from all social classes, backgrounds and of all ages. Men’s violence against women can be explained by the result of inequalities between men and women in social structures. It is this social and collective domination of women by men that facilitate the individual domination of a man over his partner. Therefore, factors such as alcohol consumption cannot be the determinant cause of men’s violence against women. Nonetheless, alcohol consumption constitutes a factor that can promote or increase the likelihood of violence. The latest Swedish sexual assault legislation based on consent entered in force the first July 2018 cannot significantly reduce the extent of this social phenomenon, since social structures in Sweden are based on patriarchal considerations where men dominate over women.

Pursuant to Chapter 58 Section 11 of the Swedish Code of Judicial Procedure, he who has missed the time applicable to, inter alia, appeal against a court’s judgement, may have the time restored, given that he had legal excuse for not appealing. Through an analysis of the Swedish Supreme Court’s extensive case-law, this essay provides general guidelines as to what constitutes legal excuse in two common situations and what the applicant has to do to fulfill his burden of proof.

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This thesis analyses States’ duty to investigate grave breaches of humanitarian law and how it applies to deep reinforcement learning autonomous weapons. It identifies basic technologic intricacies related to deep reinforcement learning and discusses what issues may arise if such software is used in weapons systems. The thesis applies a legal doctrinal method to study how the technology could frustrate the grave breaches regime and hamper States’ ability to investigate suspected incidents. Furthermore, investigative standards under humanitarian law and human rights law are examined in the context of autonomous weapons systems.  The main argument is that deep reinforcement learning algorithms create a black box that is virtually impossible to investigate and consequently causes accountability issues.

At the beginning of the 20th century, major technological changes occurred in maternity care in Europe. In connection with the introduction of good hand hygiene, advance medical equipment and use of disinfectants in the hospitals, obstetricians quickly noticed that maternal mortality decreased. This together with the rest of the medical equipment made hospital births safer. The hospitals became more attractive birth places instead of the homes. While the development from homebirth to hospital delivery went fast in Sweden, the midwives who worked in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands kept their role as primary caregiver to pregnant women by opening birth centers (freestanding clinics normally staffed by midwives offering a homely environment) and continued offering assistance with births at home, if that was the wish of the mother. Today, the United Kingdom and the Netherlands are good examples of a maternity care system with free choice where to give birth and with high patient safety. The purpose of this work is to see if Sweden can offer freedom of choice within the maternity care in accordance with Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and applicable legislation. This is done by evaluating as to how maternity care is financed and the midwives’ role in the countries like the Netherlands and the United Kingdom and compared with Sweden. Today, maternity care in Sweden is severely criticized, not least by healthcare staff due to poor working environment. Pregnant women feel an uncertainty before childbirth, which has led to the government and Swedish municipalities and county councils to decide to make a major effort to improve maternity care and women's health. Within the framework of the development of the healthcare, this work suggests that a review of the freedom of choice in childbirth care would be a natural part to include in the reform.

No description available.

No description available.

Den 25 maj 2018 blev våra inboxar fyllda av nervösa företag som ägnade sig åt att försöka säkerställa att vi var tillräckligt informerade för att de skulle få fortsätta behandla våra personuppgifter. Det rörde sig naturligtvis om den nya dataskyddsförordningens ikraftträdande. Förordningen innebär dryga sanktionsavgifter för den som inte säkerställer att den registrerade är tillräckligt informerad och att all behandling av personuppgifter sker på en rättslig grund. Denna uppsats utforskar två av dessa företags agerande, Google och Facebook. Dessa två företag är båda amerikanska men har en stor andel av sin marknad i Europa. Därmed så måste de båda företagen tillämpa dataskyddsförordningen och de måste se till att följa den. Företagen är speciella för att information är deras handelsvara. Genom att samla information och sedan rikta anpassade annonser mot användarna tjänar de pengar. Deras verksamheter har samtidigt blivit några av våra viktigaste forum och informationskällor, närmast vitala för det demokratiska samhället under 2010-talet. Vi har dock blivit påminda om vad som kan hända om den insamlade informationen missbrukas. Frågan är nu vad som har hänt i och med dataskyddsförordningens ikraftträdande. Har vår personliga integritet nu plötsligt blivit så pass skyddad som mailen antyder? Har vi fått någon som helst makt över Googles och Facebooks hantering av personuppgifter? Har vi fått en större kontroll? Dessa är några av de frågor den här uppsatsen utforskar.

In recent years, Sweden has received a huge amount of immigrants and the number of people who have been granted residence permits has been record high. At the same time, the statistics show high unemployment among immigrants and many of them experience ethnic discrimination by not being called to employment interviews. The purpose of this essay is to investigate whether the active measures that oblige the employer to counter discrimination are an adequate measure to break the power structures in the workplace, or if any form of unidentification of job applications should be required to ensure the legal protection in the recruitment process for people with different ethnicity than Swedish. In order to answer the purpose of the essay, the doctrinal method has been used. This method is based on establishing the current law through a systematic and critical interpretation. The material obtained in this essay is further examined through an intersectional perspective based on the power structures in society. The result of the study shows that the method of unidentifying jobapplications can be a reliable complement to the employer’s work with the active measures,as this method ensures that discrimination does not occur during the first recruitment phase and that issues of discrimination and diversity arise through the practice of the method. From there, the employer can focus the active measures on the second phase of recruitment. Furthermore, the study has shown that both the active measures and the method are insufficient to break the power structures in society, but that they together to some extent contributes to this.

In 2015, the European Union (EU) was facing the largest migration crisis in modern history. In light of the high reception of asylum seekers in Sweden during the autumn of the same year, a temporary law (2016:752) was adopted which restricted the possibilities of obtaining a permanentresidence permit and of family reunification. The law has received criticism for being contrary to Swedish convention commitments, especially the right to respect for family life and the prohibition of discrimination according to Articles 8 and 14 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (the Convention). Against the backdrop of this criticism, this thesis aims to examine whether the so-called Bosphorus presumption, also known as the presumption of equivalent protection, could be applicable in a hypothetic case where Sweden is brought before the European Court of Human Rights (the Court) for violating the Convention as a result of the temporary law. The criteria for the application of the presumption are firstly that the intrusive measure, here the restriction of the right to family reunification, can be said to fall within the scope of the strict international legal obligations of the state, meaning that the state can be said to have exercised a certain amount of discretion and to have enjoyed a certain margin of manoeuvre. The conclusion of this thesis is that likely would be considered to have exercised discretion as well as enjoyed a margin of manoeuvre when restricting the right to family reunification by adopting the temporary law. This conclusion is mainly based on the fact that the international legal obligations in this case flow from directives, which are binding on member states only as to the result to be achieved, and leave the choice of form and methods to the authorities of the member state. Furthermore, the directives which the temporary law is based on are so-called minimum directives, which allow for the member states to provide a higher level of protection.