This thesis investigates the functional categories in the vP domain, including aspect, modality, and focus. For this research initiative, five constructions were examined: the Mandarin temporal adverbial, the Mandarin excessive ta, the Mandarin de/bu, the Turkish question particle –mI, and the Armenian auxiliary constructions. These constructions involve functional categories that are expected to appear at the C/IP periphery; however, they surface inside the vP domain. The existence of these low grammatical elements raises non-trivial questions such as how functional categories should be mapped out in the structure, and whether a unified structure can be proposed to account for the cross-linguistic phenomena examined in this thesis. The investigation of these constructions showed that there are cross-domain interactions between low and high functional categories. While Mandarin temporal adverbial constructions showed interactions between viewpoint aspect and lexical aspect via the distributions of the temporal adverbials and various co-occurrence restrictions, the other four constructions demonstrated interactions between the low and the high categories via intervention effects. I argue that low functional categories must be licensed by their counterparts in the C/IP domain, and that the licensing relation and the structural conditions imposed on this relation can be captured if an Agree relation is established between the functional categories in these two domains. The analysis also reveals that low functional categories are the result of feature lowering from v* to some functional projection below it, and the formal features of the low functional categories must assign their values to their counterparts in the C/IP domain via Agree to provide a meaningful input to LF. I propose a parallel analysis between CP and vP to account for the existence of the low grammatical elements in two respects: (1) C and *v, as phase heads, have an edge feature (EPP) and Agree features that need to be valued and/or checked at a functional projection lower than the each phase head; (2) the formal features of C can appear at *v if they are licensed by an associate feature present in the C/T domain for the purpose of Full Interpretation (Chomsky 1995, 2000).

Towards a Unified Treatment of Modality (abstract) Sumayya Racy, Ph.D. The primary claim of this thesis is that despite the numerous forms modality may take, both within and across languages, there are relatively few features, structures and operations which give rise to these numerous forms. For example, in English the modal notion of obligation may be expressed by a verb (He must go), but an adverb (He obligatorily goes), by an adjective (He is obliged), by a noun (He has an obligation), and even by a preposition (It's on him to go) or by no clear modal marker (He is to go). In other languages, we find still more ways in which modality may be expressed, such as through affixes (Garo), through evidentials (Tuyuca), through modal particles (Norwegian), and through mood (Latin). It is shown in this thesis that by adopting Cinque's (1999) hierarchy of functional projections, Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), the semantics of Kratzer (1991) and Hacquard (2006) and a limited feature set, we may account for many of these expressions of modality within a single unified framework. In particular, it is argued that modal roots are acategorial (accounting for the many parts of speech we find in modal expressions) and it is proposed that head movement and fusion may take place among modal functional heads (accounting for the fact that modality may be expressed through other categories like evidentiality). Along the way, several interesting facets of modality are pointed out, including the fact that modal nouns may only be used with unusual abilities, and the fact that in English intonation and ASL repeated movement we may find phonological correlates of epistimicity.

This thesis investigates the functional categories in the vP domain, including aspect, modality, and focus. For this research initiative, five constructions were examined: the Mandarin temporal adverbial, the Mandarin excessive ta, the Mandarin de/bu, the Turkish question particle –mI, and the Armenian auxiliary constructions. These constructions involve functional categories that are expected to appear at the C/IP periphery; however, they surface inside the vP domain. The existence of these low grammatical elements raises non-trivial questions such as how functional categories should be mapped out in the structure, and whether a unified structure can be proposed to account for the cross-linguistic phenomena examined in this thesis. The investigation of these constructions showed that there are cross-domain interactions between low and high functional categories. While Mandarin temporal adverbial constructions showed interactions between viewpoint aspect and lexical aspect via the distributions of the temporal adverbials and various co-occurrence restrictions, the other four constructions demonstrated interactions between the low and the high categories via intervention effects. I argue that low functional categories must be licensed by their counterparts in the C/IP domain, and that the licensing relation and the structural conditions imposed on this relation can be captured if an Agree relation is established between the functional categories in these two domains. The analysis also reveals that low functional categories are the result of feature lowering from v* to some functional projection below it, and the formal features of the low functional categories must assign their values to their counterparts in the C/IP domain via Agree to provide a meaningful input to LF. I propose a parallel analysis between CP and vP to account for the existence of the low grammatical elements in two respects: (1) C and *v, as phase heads, have an edge feature (EPP) and Agree features that need to be valued and/or checked at a functional projection lower than the each phase head; (2) the formal features of C can appear at *v if they are licensed by an associate feature present in the C/T domain for the purpose of Full Interpretation (Chomsky 1995, 2000).

abstract: Despite the vast research on language carried out by the generative linguistics of Noam Chomsky and his followers since the 1950s, for theoretical reasons (mainly their attention to the mental abstraction of language structure rather than language as a performed product), historical linguistics from the start lay outside their research interest. This study is an attempt to bridge the gap between the formalism and theoretical constructs introduced by generative grammar, whose ultimate goal is to provide not only a description but also an explanation to linguistic phenomena, and historical linguistics, which studies the evolution of language over time. This main objective is met by providing a formal account of the changes hwæðer undergoes throughout the Old English (OE) period. This seemingly inconspicuous word presents itself as a case of particular investigative interest in that it reflects the different stages proclaimed by the theoretical assumptions implemented in the study, namely the economy principles responsible for what has become known as the CP cycle: the Head Preference Principle and the Late Merge Principle, whereby pronominal hwæðer would raise to the specifier position for topicalization purposes, then after frequent use in that position, it would be base-generated there under Late Merge, until later reanalysis as the head of the Complementizer Phrase (CP) under Head Preference. Thus, I set out to classify the diverse functions of OE hwæðer by identifying and analyzing all instances as recorded in the diachronic part of the Helsinki Corpus. Both quantitative and qualitative analyses of the data have rendered the following results: 1) a fully satisfactory functional and chronological classification has been obtained by analyzing the data under investigation following a formal theoretical approach; and 2) a step-by-step historical analysis proves to be indispensable for understanding how language works at the abstract level from a historical point of view. This project is part of a growing body of research on language change which attempts to describe and explain the evolution of certain words as these change in form and function. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. English 2013

A dissertação A periferia esquerda da sentença no português de Angola tem como objetivo a descrição e análise da periferia esquerda da sentença no português angolano, especificamente, as categorias discursivas foco e tópico. Iniciamos nosso trabalho com as considerações acerca dos aspectos históricos-sociais e linguisticos de Angola, que nos auxiliam a compreender a presença da língua portuguesa em território angolano e a sua situação linguistica em um ambiente multilingue como Angola. Baseados na Teoria Gerativa, modelos de Princípios e Parâmetros, versão pré-minimalista, estabelecemos a noção de foco e a tipologia adotada em nosso trabalho para essa categoria. A partir de uma interface morfossintaxe/discursiva, consideramos as sentenças clivadas e as pseudoclivadas como veiculadoras de foco por apresentarem uma leitura especificacional, em que há a obrigatoriedade de predicação de um valor a uma variável, disparando as leituras de \'contrastividade\', \'exclusividade\' e \'exaustividade\', próprias do constituinte focalizado. Apresentamos, portanto, uma análise para o foco no português angolano, a partir da tipologia para as sentenças clivadas e pseudoclivadas realizadas com os estudos do português brasileiro e europeu. Para as sentenças tradicionalmente classificadas como \'interrogativas clivadas sem cópula\', propomos uma análise em que consideramos esse tipo de sentença fora do âmbito das clivadas. Consideramos que o elemento fronteado que recebe a leitura de foco é seguido de uma partícula focalizadora apontando para um foco controlado gramaticalmente. Para a categoria tópico, limitamo-nos, apenas, na apresentação de uma tipologia preliminar, baseados em estudos recentes sobre o português vernacular brasileiro. / The purpose of the study The left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola aims to describe and analyze the left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola, specifically the discursive categories focus and topic. We begin our work with the considerations about the historical, social and linguistics aspects of Angola that help us to understand the presence of portuguese language in Angola and its linguistic situation in a multilingual environment like this country. Based on Generative Theory, Principles and Parameters model, pre-minimalist version, we established the concept of focus and the typology adopted in our work for this category. From an interface morphosyntax / discursive, we consider the clefts and pseudoclefts sentences as focus carrying by presenting a specificational reading, where there is an obligatory predication of value to a variable, expressing the readings of contrast, exclusiveness and exhaustive. We present, therefore, an analysis to focus on the portuguese of Angola, from the typology of clefts and pseudoclefts sentences works of the european and brazilian portuguese language. For the sentences traditionally classified as interrogative cleft without copula, we propose an analysis in which we consider this kind of sentence outside of the cleft classification. We consider that the fronted element receiving the focus reading is followed by a particle focussing pointing to a grammatically controlled focus. For topic category, we limit ourselves, only in presenting a preliminary typology to the portuguese in Angola, based on recent studies of the vernacular brazilian portuguese.

This paper deals with Kiezdeutsch, a way of speaking that emerged among adolescents in multiethnic urban neighbourhoods of Germany. We show that, in Kiezdeutsch, we find evidence for both grammatical reduction and new developments in the domain of information structure, and hypothesise that this points to a systematic interaction between grammar and information structure, between weakened grammatical constraints and a more liberal realisation of information-structural preferences. We show that Kiezdeutsch can serve as an interesting test case for such an interaction, that this youth language is a multiethnolect, that is, a new variety that is spoken by speakers from a multitude of ethnic backgrounds, including German, and forms a dynamic linguistic system of its own, thus allowing for systematic developments on grammatical levels and their interfaces with extragrammatical domains.

A dissertação A periferia esquerda da sentença no português de Angola tem como objetivo a descrição e análise da periferia esquerda da sentença no português angolano, especificamente, as categorias discursivas foco e tópico. Iniciamos nosso trabalho com as considerações acerca dos aspectos históricos-sociais e linguisticos de Angola, que nos auxiliam a compreender a presença da língua portuguesa em território angolano e a sua situação linguistica em um ambiente multilingue como Angola. Baseados na Teoria Gerativa, modelos de Princípios e Parâmetros, versão pré-minimalista, estabelecemos a noção de foco e a tipologia adotada em nosso trabalho para essa categoria. A partir de uma interface morfossintaxe/discursiva, consideramos as sentenças clivadas e as pseudoclivadas como veiculadoras de foco por apresentarem uma leitura especificacional, em que há a obrigatoriedade de predicação de um valor a uma variável, disparando as leituras de \'contrastividade\', \'exclusividade\' e \'exaustividade\', próprias do constituinte focalizado. Apresentamos, portanto, uma análise para o foco no português angolano, a partir da tipologia para as sentenças clivadas e pseudoclivadas realizadas com os estudos do português brasileiro e europeu. Para as sentenças tradicionalmente classificadas como \'interrogativas clivadas sem cópula\', propomos uma análise em que consideramos esse tipo de sentença fora do âmbito das clivadas. Consideramos que o elemento fronteado que recebe a leitura de foco é seguido de uma partícula focalizadora apontando para um foco controlado gramaticalmente. Para a categoria tópico, limitamo-nos, apenas, na apresentação de uma tipologia preliminar, baseados em estudos recentes sobre o português vernacular brasileiro. / The purpose of the study The left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola aims to describe and analyze the left periphery of the sentence in portuguese of Angola, specifically the discursive categories focus and topic. We begin our work with the considerations about the historical, social and linguistics aspects of Angola that help us to understand the presence of portuguese language in Angola and its linguistic situation in a multilingual environment like this country. Based on Generative Theory, Principles and Parameters model, pre-minimalist version, we established the concept of focus and the typology adopted in our work for this category. From an interface morphosyntax / discursive, we consider the clefts and pseudoclefts sentences as focus carrying by presenting a specificational reading, where there is an obligatory predication of value to a variable, expressing the readings of contrast, exclusiveness and exhaustive. We present, therefore, an analysis to focus on the portuguese of Angola, from the typology of clefts and pseudoclefts sentences works of the european and brazilian portuguese language. For the sentences traditionally classified as interrogative cleft without copula, we propose an analysis in which we consider this kind of sentence outside of the cleft classification. We consider that the fronted element receiving the focus reading is followed by a particle focussing pointing to a grammatically controlled focus. For topic category, we limit ourselves, only in presenting a preliminary typology to the portuguese in Angola, based on recent studies of the vernacular brazilian portuguese.

The goal of this paper is to provide novel theoretical and empirical evidence that the null subjects traditionally labelled as pro and PRO, rather than being inherently distinct, are manifestations, differentiated in the course of the derivation, of what is underlyingly a single underspecified nominal pro-form, which we will call UPro. Included under this UPro are pro, OC PRO and also the various types of ‘non-obligatory control’ (NOC) PRO, including arbitrary PRO (PROarb). The interpretive and distributional distinctions lurking behind these labels result from how UPro interacts with its structural environment and language-specific rules of morpho-phonological realization. Specifically, OC PRO labels a rather specific interpretation that arises in embedding contexts where a syntactic OC relationship with an antecedent can be established. Different types of pro and NOC PRO, on the other hand, involve ‘control’ by (typically) silent representations of discourse contextual elements in the clausal left periphery. Finally, PROarb arguably involves the failure to establish a referential dependence, which we will formalize in terms of a failure to Agree in the sense of Preminger (2014). Crucial evidence motivating the approach proposed here will be adduced from Sundaresan’s (2014) “Finiteness pro-drop Generalisation”, which reveals an otherwise unexpected complementarity of OC PRO and pro.

Cette thèse fournit une étude comparative des constructions disloquées à gauche en anglais et en arabe standard (AS). À la lumière des cadres théoriques récents, nous examinons la syntaxe et les propriétés discursives de la dislocation à gauche en AS que nous comparons avec leurs équivalents en anglais. La première partie de cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude des propriétés syntaxiques translinguistiques des constructions placées dans la périphérie gauche. Il est soutenu notamment que l’anglais et l’AS partagent beaucoup de similarités syntaxiques. Une typologie prenant en compte des faits constatés dans les structures disloquées à gauche AS est proposée. La seconde partie est consacrée à la résomptivité dans les constructions disloquées à gauche. Il est démontré que le résomptif dans la HTLD est un pronom indépendant étant donné qu’il n y a aucune exigence syntaxique pour l’élément disloqué d'être présent. De même, il est soutenu que l’optionalité du résomptif dans la CLD est mieux expliquée en termes discursifs. Dans la troisième partie, nous proposons que les constructions CLD en AS suivent le même modèle que les CLD en anglais, en ce qu'elles expriment une fonction de Focus contrastif préétabli dans le discours. De même, nous soutenons que les HTLD en AS sont analogues aux données translinguistiques en ce sens que ce sont des entités discursives de saillance préalable, étant déjà présentes dans la conscience du locuteur. En outre, nous démontrons que l’insertion du PR dans la CLD II n’est ni facultative, ni n’émane d’effets de spécificité / référentialité ; il s'agit plutôt d'un dispositif discursif qui promeut l’élément disloqué au statut de Topique. / In this thesis, I offer a comparative approach to Left-dislocation constructions in both standard Arabic (SA) and English. Under recent theoretical developments, I investigate the syntax and the discourse properties of constructions involving left-dislocation in SA and compare them with their English counterparts. In the first part, I discuss the syntactic properties of SA left-dislocation and compare them with cross-lingusitic CLLD, HTLD, and Topicalization. A further comparison between SA and English Left-dislocation is presented provides an important ground for an evaluation of the SA data. A new classification of Left-dislocated structures, which takes into account SA and English data, is offered. In the second part, I investigate the status of resumptives in both HTLD and CLD. I claim that in HTLD, the RP is a syntactically non-connected argument but a pragmatically “connected” referential pronoun, provided the HTLDed is salient enough in discourse. It is further argued that resumptives and gaps in CLD are not in free variation. In the third part, it is proven that SA CLD left-dislocation constructions pattern alike with English data at the discourse level. Likewise, it is argued that the absence of resumptives in CLD I does not promote the CLDed element to a Topic status. It is only the overt coreference of a RP with a discourse-linked antecedent in CLD II that renders the CLDed salient in discourse thereby promoting it to a Topic status.

293f. / Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-05-14T17:35:47Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Evanice Lima.pdf: 3922080 bytes, checksum: c7a14dddbd114ecc6a62155e51912b15 (MD5) Tese Edivalda Araújo1.pdf: 1783798 bytes, checksum: f322a381624297e3b950d039e2df989d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Alda Lima da Silva(sivalda@ufba.br) on 2013-06-04T17:28:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Evanice Lima.pdf: 3922080 bytes, checksum: c7a14dddbd114ecc6a62155e51912b15 (MD5) Tese Edivalda Araújo1.pdf: 1783798 bytes, checksum: f322a381624297e3b950d039e2df989d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-04T17:28:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Evanice Lima.pdf: 3922080 bytes, checksum: c7a14dddbd114ecc6a62155e51912b15 (MD5) Tese Edivalda Araújo1.pdf: 1783798 bytes, checksum: f322a381624297e3b950d039e2df989d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Definimos como objeto de estudo neste trabalho a análise das construções de tópico deslocado à esquerda do português europeu, dos séculos XVIII e XIX, e do português brasileiro, do século XIX, numa perspectiva sintático-discursiva, sob a abordagem da teoria da gramática gerativa e da estrutura da informação, para identificarmos as diferenças e/ou semelhanças sintáticas e discursivas entre essas duas variedades do português a partir da posição sintática ocupada pelo tópico e da sua relação com os outros constituintes da oração, como os advérbios, o sujeito, os elementos interrogativos e os clíticos. Para a realização dessa análise, estabelecemos como corpora cartas pessoais e peças de teatro, retiradas do Corpus do Projeto Tycho Brahe (disponível no site da USP), no caso do português europeu, e coletadas na Biblioteca Pública do Estado da Bahia, no caso do português brasileiro. Levantamos como hipótese a possibilidade de que algumas construções de tópico do português brasileiro poderiam ser explicadas à luz dos dados diacrônicos, principalmente no período selecionado para estudo. A análise dos dados, contudo, revelou que, nesse período, as construções de tópico do português europeu e do português brasileiro ainda não apresentavam diferenças sintáticas que pudessem identificar a primeira como língua de proeminência de sujeito e a segunda como língua de proeminência de tópico. Além disso, não encontramos dados suficientes que pudessem indicar que algumas construções de tópico do português brasileiro atual já estivessem registradas no português europeu. Em termos gerais, entretanto, a partir da comparação entre os dados do português europeu e do português brasileiro, detectamos que: (i) em ambos, é possível a ativação das três posições de tópico no sistema C – TopP1, TopP2 e TopP3 – considerando a proposta de Rizzi (1997, 2002). Essas posições, entretanto, não são ativadas simultaneamente. A escolha do português europeu e do brasileiro é pela seqüência TopP2 + FocP, talvez em função da relação operador-variável entre o foco e a oração. Mas é possível a ocorrência simultânea de TopP1 e TopP2; (ii) não existem, de acordo com os dados, evidências de que tipos diferenciados de tópico ocupem posições diferenciadas na periferia à esquerda; (iii) a identificação da posição do tópico na periferia à esquerda depende da ativação de outras projeções funcionais nessa periferia; (iv) as diferenças observadas entre o português europeu e o português brasileiro não se restringem especificamente às construções de tópico, mas a outros fatores, como: o movimento do verbo auxiliar acima do advérbio baixo, detectado no português europeu, mas com oscilação no português brasileiro; tendência ao preenchimento do sujeito, iniciante no português brasileiro; flutuação na colocação dos clíticos com as construções de tópico, tanto no português europeu quanto no português brasileiro; (v) a posição do tópico tanto no português europeu quanto no português brasileiro sofreu reanálise. O primeiro parece ter desenvolvido construções de tópico mais voltadas para o discurso, daí a sua impossibilidade de colocar IP em segunda posição; enquanto o segundo passou a ter uma direção do tópico mais voltada para a sintaxe, daí a possibilidade de alguns tópicos poderem concordar com o verbo. / Salvador