In this study, we argue the organic industry's move towards a more legal definition of organic production indicated a shift in the legitimating criteria in the organic agriculture institutional field, which can be observed through the analysis of the legitimating accounts of various actors. Prior to USDA certification, institutional actors in the organic food field largely relied upon the norms and values of its participants to maintain order. Legitimacy was based on the perception that a firm embodied a certain value set, which typically included opposition to large-scale commercial operations (DeLind, 2000; Drinkwater, 2009). To some, the introduction of federal standards signaled a replacement of the personal trust between consumer and producer, and an increased reliance on external policies mandated by federal certification (Guthman, 2000; 2004a; 2004b). This study explores the intricacies of the various actors' legitimating accounts during this time of a shifting institutional field. Central questions include: how do these actors adapt their legitimating accounts to the changing context? Is there a discernible pattern to their rhetoric, not only over time, but also in relation to the other contemporary legitimating accounts? And finally, if patterns are evident, can they provide insight into the dynamics of legitimating sources in this institutional field?

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:47:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ivone Aparecida Pereira.pdf: 4584728 bytes, checksum: f4e7d4718dc9cd8c311e808853c96aff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-02-25 / This study aims to understand the relationship established in the social groups considering Folia de Reis as a scenery, and consider an specific case of a group of people in the city of Santo Antônio de Goiás that organize themselves and walk without the presence and protection of the clergy. Folia de Reis can be considered a space to social inclusion and genuine representation of the participants called foliões . It happens because Folia de Reis can join the people and show them as historical subjects who are able to play, create and recreate their own culture. Nowadays, the erudition and the sophisticated language divide and exclude people and Folia de Reis shows itself as a possibility of a real participation in the religious life. But it is not a simple participation because Folia de Reis ritual is able to turn common people into important characters of one of the most important fact in the Christianism. / O presente estudo busca compreender as relações tecidas no interior dos grupos sociais, tendo como pano de fundo a Folia de Reis. Tomamos como caso específico um grupo de foliões da cidade de Santo Antônio de Goiás que se organizou e que caminha sem a presença e sem a tutela do clero. A hipótese levantada foi a de que a Folia de Reis pode ser considerada como um espaço para a inclusão social e a legitimação dos papéis representados por seus foliões. Isso se dá porque a Folia de Reis consegue reunir o povo como sujeito histórico que é capaz de interpretar, criar e recriar a sua própria cultura. Num tempo de erudição, de linguagem sofisticada que divide, que separa e exclui a Folia de Reis apresenta-se como uma possibilidade de participação efetiva no campo religioso. Mas, não é uma participação qualquer. O ritual da Folia de Reis é capaz de transformar pessoas comuns em personagens centrais de uma das mais importantes histórias ocorridas no âmbito do cristianismo.

Following paper examines how conflicting interests inside the UN organisation can be identified in the UN:s policy output regarding conflict-related violence (CRSV) and sexual exploitation and abuse by UN-personnel (SEA). The study applies former criticism against SEA, regarding nuance and an individualistic approach, on UN resolutions from both policy areas in a structured, focused comparisons. The purpose is to analyse if there are any differences regarding the framing of violence, its causes and where responsibility can be placed. Furthermore, the differences that are detected are then analysed and explained through a theoretical framework consisting of theories regarding framing and legitimating strategies. The analysis shows that resolutions regarding CRSV are more nuanced and connected to broader structures such as gender discrimination. Resolutions regarding SEA are more focused on the individual perpetrator. The differences identified in the comparison is then understood through the organisational interest of preserving legitimacy, where “means-end-decoupling” can be detected as a strategy used in SEA resolutions to legitimate the UN organisation.

This dissertation is the result of a study of power relations between the crown and the church in Sweden during the 17th century. The study is focused on the Swedish Parliament and how the Estate of the Clergy responded to royal pretensions. The Swedish Clerical Estate is viewed as essential for the Swedish state formation process. The argument in the study is inspired by theories suggesting that state building and state formation were outcomes of a bargaining process between rulers and local power holders. The perspective presented by the historian Jan Glete is of great importance. He defines the early modern state as a complex organization providing protection and violence control. He emphasizes that the power of the state and the state’s character were dependent upon how the state could assert power. In order to do this, the rulers bartered with their subjects using protection as a commodity while in return the subjects paid required taxes. This bargaining process is interpreted as interactive. The rulers linked various local interests to the state and in doing so gained control of the society and the use of violence. The Swedish Clerical Estate played an important role in this process. Due in part to this fact, the clergy differed from the other subjects of the realm such as the nobility or the peasants. The clergy did not own any sizeable amount of property and did not exert any economical influence. Instead the Clerical Estate negotiated using their ideological, cultural and political resources. These commodities became essential in how the king organized the state. In exchange for royal protection, the clergy were given the task of supporting and explaining the crown’s economical and military needs. By doing so, the Clerical Estate legitimated the royal power in the parliament and in the society as a whole. At the same time, this negotiation signified a definition of the role of the clergyman within the state. Though the Clerical Estate sometimes tried to reject royal claims, it was the king who decided the conditions of negotiation. The parliament as a political field was created by the king and for the king. From a political point of view, religion and a theological framework became of great importance and were adopted by the crown in order to exploit resources. Taking this into consideration, the 17th century Swedish state seems to be more effective than other European early modern states.

[pt] A presente tese de doutoramento em direito constitucional versa sobre a temática da doutrina do stare decisis que impõe às Cortes de ní­vel hierárquico inferior o dever de obedecer e seguir os precedentes judiciais das Cortes Superiores. A tese está dividida em duas partes. A primeira parte analisa os princí­pios constitucionais da isonomia, da rule of law e democrático como fatores justificadores e legitimadores da adoção da doutrina do stare decisis, na medida em que asseguram coerência e consistência nas decisões judiciais e concretizam o ideal de segurança jurídica e justiça. A segunda parte analisa o papel desempenhado pelas Cortes Judiciais nos Estados modernos, descreve a analisa criticamente os diversos modelos teóricos de aplicação da doutrina do stare decisis com o objetivo de estruturar uma teoria coerente os fundamentos doutrinários para uma correta aplicação da doutrina e, finalmente, elabora os princípios institucionais que governam o abandono da doutrina anteriormente estabelecida para harmonizar as tensões entre as necessidades de estabilidade e flexibilidade da ordem jurí­dica, que decorrem das demandas da segurança jurídica e as exigências dos princípios morais mutáveis concernentes à justiça social. / [en] This present Ph.D. thesis in Constitutional Law is about stare decisis which imposes to the inferior Courts the duty of obeying and following the judicial Superior Courts precedents. This thesis is divided in two parts. The first part analyses the constitutionals principles of equality, rule of law and democratic as both justifying and legitimating factors of the adoption of the stare decisis, since they both assure coherency and consistency in the judicial decisions and reaffirm the ideal of stability and justice. The second part analyses the role played by Judicial Courts in the modern States, it describes and critically analyses the various theoretical models about the stare decisis doctrine in order to develop a coherent theory for a correct use of the doctrine and, finally, develop the institutional principles that the rule the overruling to harmonize the tensions between the needs of stability and flexibility of judicial system, that come from the demands of juridical certainty and the demands of the changing moral principles that concern to the social justice.

Ce travail confronte le phénomène de l’internationalisation des pratiques de gestion des entreprises à celui de la légitimité des institutions intermédiaires. L’étude de cas porte sur l’internationalisation d’une entreprise française, Veolia Environnement, en Suède et en Roumanie. Cette firme est dite « urbaine » dans la mesure où elle est spécialisée dans les services publics locaux. Les résultats attestent des processus de légitimation que la « firme urbaine » déploie au moyen de sa « dimension institutionnelle » lors de son expansion internationale. Ils prennent la forme de régulations « par le haut » et « par le bas ». Lorsque la firme régule « par le haut », elle tente de mettre en place des types de coopération avec les institutions publiques. Lors de la régulation « par le bas », elle impulse un modèle gestionnaire, couplé à des formes de socialisation des individus, dans les organisations du travail. Dans les deux cas, la firme tente de prolonger ou assurer le rôle dévolu à l’autorité publique, d’où sa « dimensions institutionnelle ». La légitimité de la « firme urbaine » est ainsi mise à l’épreuve de la régulation d’une action collective se confrontant à un principe démocratique variable selon les pays. En France, la « firme urbaine » développe sa « dimension institutionnelle » en raison de l’existence d’une démocratie déléguée. En Suède, son action est limitée par la démocratie participative effective. En Roumanie, la démocratie en constitution représente, certes un obstacle à son expansion économique mais, en revanche, un terrain favorable au développement de sa « dimension institutionnelle ». / This work confronts the phenomenon of management practices internationalization of corporations to the legitimacy of intermediate institutions. The case study deals with the internationalization of a French company, Veolia Environnement, in Sweden and Romania. Being specialized in local public services, this firm is considered as “urban”. The results show the legitimating processes the “urban firm” resorts to while settling abroad thanks to its “institutional dimension”. Such processes turn into “high-level” and “low-level” regulations. When the firm regulates on the “high level”, it tries to implement cooperation strategies with the public institutions. When the firm regulates on the “low-level”, it promotes a management model, associated with individuals’ socialization processes, into the labor organizations. In both cases the firm aims at pursuing or replacing the public authority, hence its “institutional dimension”. Thus, the legitimacy of the “urban firm” depends on the regulation of a collective action that faces a democratic principle varying according to the countries. In France, the “urban firm” develops its “institutional dimension” owing to the fact that there is a delegated democracy. In Sweden, its action is limited by the effective participating democracy. As to Romania, the democracy in constitution can, on the one hand, be seen as an obstacle to its economic expansion. But on the other hand, it enables the development of its “institutional dimension”.