The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories. The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how. The Left Party believes that homework should be done during school time and The Liberal Party believes that homework should be done after school. Their different views and values regarding homework can also be relate to their different ideologies. A possible idea that I also can find from the results is that the parties different opinions can be based on that they refers to pupils of different age groups when they discuss the topic of homework.

The theoretical framework of this thesis bases itself essentially upon the respective works of Arendt Lijphart and Karl Deutsch, who have studied how societal cleavages and social communication interact with each other. The present thesis's main focus is the Quebec/English Canadian duality. It uses quantitative analysis to study and compare pan-Canadian reactions to the Allaire Report that was issued by the Quebec Liberal Party in early 1991. The purpose is to try and find out whether the Allaire Report and the proposals it contains have had a divisive effect on Canadian society, and if so, to what extent. The data consists of all issues of the following newspapers over a period of time of exactly one month, from the 22nd of January and the 22nd of February, 1991 : the Calgary Herald, the Chronicle Herald, the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir, the Montreal Gazette, the Vancouver Sun and the Winnipeg Free Press. The analysis bases itself upon (1) the space that each newspaper devotes to the issue (2) the tone and content of the headlines and (3) the frequencies of appearance of certain selected words. Quantitative analysis shows that the gap between Quebec and English Canada is becoming wider. Quebec clearly overestimates English Canada's fragile degree of homogeneity, while English Canada, by increasingly identifying itself to the so-called "rest of Canada", paradoxically acts as if Quebec were the glue that holds the whole country together.

The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated.

Participating in peace support operations has been and remains a significant part of the Swedish defense and security politics. Since the end of the Cold War, the Swedish national defence has been more and more dismantled, in favor of international peace support operations which have become an increasingly important task for the Swedish defence. Why then, is Sweden so engaged in conflicts so far from home? Using two classic theories of international politics, realism and liberalism, this study aims to shed light on arguments from the Swedish parliament on why it is important for Sweden to participate in international peace support operations. After analyzing arguments of the Social Democrat Party, the Moderate Party, the Green Party and the Liberal Party concerning three different peace support operations which Sweden has participated in, the result shows that although both realism and liberalism are influencing the parties’ argumentation, liberalism is the theory which is used more often. Thus, the answer to why Sweden participates in peace support operations is to be found in arguments that clearly express views of liberalism, rather than views of realism.

During the twentieth century, as Canadian voters began to associate the brand of their major political parties with the characteristics of their leaders, the Liberal Party of Canada’s leadership races evolved into events of national importance. This study examines this transformation through the 1948, 1958 and 1968 leadership conventions. It incorporates perspectives from inside the Liberal Party as well as the Canadian media’s portrayals of the conventions. This thesis explores the alternating pattern of anglophone and francophone Party leaders, the complications associated with the predictability of the outcome, the evolution of convention tactics to recruit delegate support, Party (dis)unity throughout the contests, and the political science theories that deconstruct the conventions and predict outcomes. It also details how, over time, the political ambitions of senior-ranking members trumped the interests the Liberal Party.

O presente trabalho de pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar a forma como o jornal A Reforma, de Porto Alegre, órgão de imprensa do Partido Liberal, apresentava em suas publicações os aspectos referentes a escravidão e liberdade que estavam em pauta nos debates e discussões, no período compreendido entre 1870 e 1888. A partir de suas páginas, foi possível perceber que havia uma propaganda favorável à emancipação dos cativos. Esse aspecto foi verificado, principalmente, nas notícias de concessão de liberdade, em que havia a exaltação dos senhores por sua filantropia e seus sentimentos humanitários. Por outro lado, nos artigos ali publicados, de autoria do jornal ou transcritos, a solução para a escravidão estava sempre relacionada à gradualidade e à manutenção da ordem pública. Embora a maioria de suas publicações não fosse assinada, destacaram-se em suas páginas textos relacionados à escravidão de Gaspar Silveira Martins, grande líder do Partido Liberal no Rio Grande do Sul, e Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, militar, professor de história que teve destaque no movimento abolicionista de Porto Alegre na década de 1880. Entre as muitas questões que são apresentadas nesse jornal, a respeito da escravidão e da liberdade, destacaram-se aquelas ligadas ao tratamento dispensado aos escravos por parte dos senhores e da força policial, a preocupação com a situação dos escravos que regressaram da Guerra do Paraguai, as tentativas de reescravização, os casos de fugas, crimes e tentativas de revoltas por parte dos cativos. Além disso, na última década da escravidão, foi possível identificar em suas publicações um aumento da preocupação com a questão da ordem pública, em um período em que houve um aumento da população liberta. Ainda, percebeu-se uma exaltação aos sujeitos que participaram do movimento abolicionista em Porto Alegre, apresentando-os como os grandes protagonistas desse processo. / The present searching project had the main goal to analyze the way the newspaper “The Reform”, from Porto Alegre, the printing organization of the Liberal Party, presented on its publications the aspects referring to the slavery and freedom that were on roll inside the debates and arguing in the period between 1870 and 1888. Through its pages it was possible to realize that there was a fair advertisement to the captives’ emancipation. This aspect was mainly verified by the news of concession of liberty, in which there was the exaltation of the lords in order of their philanthropy and humanity feelings. On the other hand in the published articles made by the newspaper or transcribed ones the solution for the slavery was always related to the gradual and maintenance of the public order. Although most of its publications were not signed the slavery of Gaspar Silveira Martins, the great leader of the Liberal Party of Rio Grande do Sul were pointed out on its pages, and Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, military History teacher that had a distinction in the abolitionist movement of Porto Alegre on the decade of 1880. Amongst the many questions that are presented on this paper concerning the slavery and freedom showed up the ones connected to the exempt treatment to the slaves by the lords and the police force, the concern with the situation of the slaves that returned from the Paraguay War, the attempts of re-slavery, the break cases, crimes and the rebellion attempts from the captives. Besides that, on the last decade of slavery it was possible to identify on its publications an increase on the concern of the public order in a period that happens an increasing on the freedman population. In addition, it was realized an exaltation to the subjects that participated in the abolitionist movement in Porto Alegre, introducing them as the great protagonists of this process.

During the 1960s and 1970s the Liberal Party of Canada sought to engage ethnocultural communities in an effort to win federal elections. The author argues that the Liberal Party’s relationship with ethnocultural communities in Metro Toronto during the 1960s was characterized by indifference. Though it adopted a programme that encouraged the courting of ethnocultural communities, the Pearson-led Liberal Party showed limited interest in recognizing ethnocultural communities as a part of the party’s electoral coalition. The efforts of Andrew Thompson, the Liberal Party’s Ethnic Liaison Officer during the Pearson years, were separated from the rest of party’s organization and campaign structure. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau ended Pearson’s lost decade and strengthened party bonds with ethnocultural communities. Trudeau welcomed ethnocultural communities to the Liberal Party, declared Canada as multicultural, and distributed patronage to leaders of non-English and non-French communities. This dissertation differentiates between groups and categories, and critically analyzes how people and organizations do things with categories. This dissertation argues that Thompson and the Liberal Party grouped ethnocultural communities as “ethnic groups” and “ethnic voters” in order to simplify diverse and unbounded peoples they did not understand. / Graduate / 2019-10-27

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-03-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:09Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 951240 bytes, checksum: d684b449784f6edb48ef83e33ca5402a (MD5) / O Partido Liberal paraguaio foi fundado em 1887, mas desde 1870 tentava se articular como grupo político, com a finalidade de chegar ao poder, o que viria a acontecer em 1904. Dessa data até o fim de seu mandado, em 1936, articulou o Estado e a sociedade dentro de uma perspectiva liberal, em um país que se encontrava em fase de reconstrução, após uma guerra que lhe custara vidas e parte de seu território, dentro de uma conjuntura internacional de implantação do liberalismo como doutrina política, e de consolidação da fase industrial do capitalismo. Esteve dividido em diversas facções, e estas contribuíram para aumentar a fragilidade política do país, devido à ligação do partido com o governo, e uma constante troca de presidentes, que não conseguiam concluir o próprio mandato e, assim, realizar seus planos de governo. A preocupação fundamental desse grande número de presidentes foi com as finanças do Estado, com a idéia de que, ao sanear a moeda e o meio circulante, resolveriam os problemas prementes do país. Em uma perspectiva reformista, o partido conseguiu operar de forma racional a economia do país, mas deixou em segundo plano as questões sociais. Durante sua permanência, o Paraguai continuou contando com apenas um partido na oposição, e os grupos de pressão política foram desarticulados, configurando uma sociedade que ficou marginalizada da política empreendida pelo partido. / The Paraguayan Liberal Party was founded in 1887, but since 1870 it tried to articulate as political group with the purpose of arriving to the power, what would come to happen in 1904. From that date to the end of its mandate in 1936, it articulated the State and the society in a liberal perspective, in a country that was in a reconstruction phase, after a war that had cost it lives and part of its territory, inside of an international conjuncture of implementation of liberalism as political doctrine, and of consolidation of the industrial phase of the capitalism. The party was divided in several factions, and this contributed to increase the political fragility of the country, due to the connection of the party with the government, and a constant change of presidents, that didn't get to conclude its own mandate, thus accomplishing its government plans. The fundamental concern of that great number of presidents was with the finances of the State, with the idea that with sound money and circulating medium they would solve the main problems. From a reformist perspective, they achieved to operate in a rational way the economy of the country, but left in second plan the social subjects. During the permanence of the Liberals, Paraguay remained with just a party in the opposition, and the groups of political pressure were disjointed, configuring a society that was apart from the politics developed by the party.

Orientador: Paulo Henrique Martinez / Resumo: O Partido Liberal paraguaio foi fundado em 1887, mas desde 1870 tentava se articular como grupo político, com a finalidade de chegar ao poder, o que viria a acontecer em 1904. Dessa data até o fim de seu mandado, em 1936, articulou o Estado e a sociedade dentro de uma perspectiva liberal, em um país que se encontrava em fase de reconstrução, após uma guerra que lhe custara vidas e parte de seu território, dentro de uma conjuntura internacional de implantação do liberalismo como doutrina política, e de consolidação da fase industrial do capitalismo. Esteve dividido em diversas facções, e estas contribuíram para aumentar a fragilidade política do país, devido à ligação do partido com o governo, e uma constante troca de presidentes, que não conseguiam concluir o próprio mandato e, assim, realizar seus planos de governo. A preocupação fundamental desse grande número de presidentes foi com as finanças do Estado, com a idéia de que, ao sanear a moeda e o meio circulante, resolveriam os problemas prementes do país. Em uma perspectiva reformista, o partido conseguiu operar de forma racional a economia do país, mas deixou em segundo plano as questões sociais. Durante sua permanência, o Paraguai continuou contando com apenas um partido na oposição, e os grupos de pressão política foram desarticulados, configurando uma sociedade que ficou marginalizada da política empreendida pelo partido. / Abstract: The Paraguayan Liberal Party was founded in 1887, but since 1870 it tried to articulate as political group with the purpose of arriving to the power, what would come to happen in 1904. From that date to the end of its mandate in 1936, it articulated the State and the society in a liberal perspective, in a country that was in a reconstruction phase, after a war that had cost it lives and part of its territory, inside of an international conjuncture of implementation of liberalism as political doctrine, and of consolidation of the industrial phase of the capitalism. The party was divided in several factions, and this contributed to increase the political fragility of the country, due to the connection of the party with the government, and a constant change of presidents, that didn't get to conclude its own mandate, thus accomplishing its government plans. The fundamental concern of that great number of presidents was with the finances of the State, with the idea that with sound money and circulating medium they would solve the main problems. From a reformist perspective, they achieved to operate in a rational way the economy of the country, but left in second plan the social subjects. During the permanence of the Liberals, Paraguay remained with just a party in the opposition, and the groups of political pressure were disjointed, configuring a society that was apart from the politics developed by the party. / Doutor