Na presente pesquisa analisamos as construções que envolvem as estruturas de IL sob a perspectiva da Teoria Gerativa em sua versão de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky 1981, 1986). É considerado um fenômeno de inacusatividade e um fenômeno discursivo em línguas como o inglês e o espanhol. Sua estrutura padrão é a ordem PP V DP, em que o PP é um locativo (LOC) e o DP é um argumento tema em posição pós-verbal. Partimos de uma análise léxico-funcional de Bresnan (1994) que postula a Hipótese do Foco Apresentacional para explicar a função discursiva da construção. Em seguida, apresentamos a análise discursiva de Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995) que propõem a Hipótese do Verbo Informacionalmente Leve. A terceira análise traz uma visão minimalista recente sobre a construção através da descrição de fenômenos que se inter-relacionam - a IL, a topicalização de PPs e o EPP. Para a análise da IL é fundamental investigar onde se coloca o PB atualmente dentro do parâmetro do sujeito nulo, como se dá a atribuição de Caso nominativo ao sujeito e em que contextos ocorre a inversão nessa língua. Assim, fazemos uma breve revisão da literatura do PB, partindo da Hipótese do Caso Partitivo, passando pela a Hipótese de Mono-Argumentalidade, até chegar nas sentenças com SUJs invertidos tanto com verbos mono-argumentais quanto com VTs. Referenciamos um dos primeiros trabalhos sobre a IL, em que Barbosa (1989) nos oferece algumas intuições iniciais para uma análise do fenômeno. Já Pilati (2002) descreve as construções de IL como um dos tipos de sentenças apresentativas e Quarezemin (2006) propõe que estas construções são motivadas por tal função discursiva pelo fato de seus SUJs serem interpretados como o FOC das sentenças. Em seguida, apresentamos uma proposta de análise para a IL, mostrando que há dois tipos de ILs - a IL propriamente dita e a IL discursiva. O último capítulo apresenta as considerações finais desta pesquisa, apontando algumas semelhanças entre a construção da IL e as construções de topicalização sem preposição. Mais do que propor uma análise para a IL no PB, nosso objetivo é mostrar a importância de tal fenômeno num âmbito maior dos estudos da gramática do PB, considerando que a IL pode ser uma pista que caracterizaria o PB como uma língua de traço EPP. / In this dissertation we analyse constructions that involve inversion locative (IL) structures under the Government and Binding framework of the Generative Theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986). IL is considered an unaccusativity and discourse-like phenomenon in languages like English and Spanish. Its pattern structure is the order PP V DP, in which the PP is a locative and the DP is theme argument placed in postverbal position. We departure from a lexical functional analysis from Bresnan (1994) that postulates the Presentational Focus Hypothesis in order to explain the discourse-like function of the construction. In the sequence we present a dicourse-like analysis from Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995) that proposes the Informationally Light Verb Hypothesis. A third analysis brings a recent minimalist view of the construction through the description of some phenomena that are interrelated - the IL, the topicalization of PPs and the EPP. In order to analyse the IL in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) it is primordial to investigate where BP can be placed within the pro-drop parameter, how nominative Case can be assigned to the subject and in which contexts the inversion occurs in this language. Hence, we do a brief review of the BP literature, departuring from the partitive Case, going to the Intransitive Hypothesis up to sentences with inverted subjects with both intransitive and transitive verbs. We mention one of the first papers about IL in Portuguese, in which Barbosa (1989) offers us some intuitions for an analysis to this phenomenon. Pilati (2002) describes the IL constructions as presentational sentences and Quarezemin (2006) proposes that these constructions are motivated by a dicourse-like function since its subjects must be interpretated as the focus of the sentences. After that we present an analysis to the IL in BP, showing that there are two different kinds of IL - the IL itself and the discourse-like IL. The last chapter presents the conclusions of this research, pointing some similarities between the IL constructions and the topicalization of PPs. More than proposing an analysis to the IL in BP our goal is to show the importance of such phenomenon in a more general view of the BP grammatical studies, considering that IL can be a clue that would characterize BP as an EPP language.

Na presente pesquisa analisamos as construções que envolvem as estruturas de IL sob a perspectiva da Teoria Gerativa em sua versão de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky 1981, 1986). É considerado um fenômeno de inacusatividade e um fenômeno discursivo em línguas como o inglês e o espanhol. Sua estrutura padrão é a ordem PP V DP, em que o PP é um locativo (LOC) e o DP é um argumento tema em posição pós-verbal. Partimos de uma análise léxico-funcional de Bresnan (1994) que postula a Hipótese do Foco Apresentacional para explicar a função discursiva da construção. Em seguida, apresentamos a análise discursiva de Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995) que propõem a Hipótese do Verbo Informacionalmente Leve. A terceira análise traz uma visão minimalista recente sobre a construção através da descrição de fenômenos que se inter-relacionam - a IL, a topicalização de PPs e o EPP. Para a análise da IL é fundamental investigar onde se coloca o PB atualmente dentro do parâmetro do sujeito nulo, como se dá a atribuição de Caso nominativo ao sujeito e em que contextos ocorre a inversão nessa língua. Assim, fazemos uma breve revisão da literatura do PB, partindo da Hipótese do Caso Partitivo, passando pela a Hipótese de Mono-Argumentalidade, até chegar nas sentenças com SUJs invertidos tanto com verbos mono-argumentais quanto com VTs. Referenciamos um dos primeiros trabalhos sobre a IL, em que Barbosa (1989) nos oferece algumas intuições iniciais para uma análise do fenômeno. Já Pilati (2002) descreve as construções de IL como um dos tipos de sentenças apresentativas e Quarezemin (2006) propõe que estas construções são motivadas por tal função discursiva pelo fato de seus SUJs serem interpretados como o FOC das sentenças. Em seguida, apresentamos uma proposta de análise para a IL, mostrando que há dois tipos de ILs - a IL propriamente dita e a IL discursiva. O último capítulo apresenta as considerações finais desta pesquisa, apontando algumas semelhanças entre a construção da IL e as construções de topicalização sem preposição. Mais do que propor uma análise para a IL no PB, nosso objetivo é mostrar a importância de tal fenômeno num âmbito maior dos estudos da gramática do PB, considerando que a IL pode ser uma pista que caracterizaria o PB como uma língua de traço EPP. / In this dissertation we analyse constructions that involve inversion locative (IL) structures under the Government and Binding framework of the Generative Theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986). IL is considered an unaccusativity and discourse-like phenomenon in languages like English and Spanish. Its pattern structure is the order PP V DP, in which the PP is a locative and the DP is theme argument placed in postverbal position. We departure from a lexical functional analysis from Bresnan (1994) that postulates the Presentational Focus Hypothesis in order to explain the discourse-like function of the construction. In the sequence we present a dicourse-like analysis from Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995) that proposes the Informationally Light Verb Hypothesis. A third analysis brings a recent minimalist view of the construction through the description of some phenomena that are interrelated - the IL, the topicalization of PPs and the EPP. In order to analyse the IL in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) it is primordial to investigate where BP can be placed within the pro-drop parameter, how nominative Case can be assigned to the subject and in which contexts the inversion occurs in this language. Hence, we do a brief review of the BP literature, departuring from the partitive Case, going to the Intransitive Hypothesis up to sentences with inverted subjects with both intransitive and transitive verbs. We mention one of the first papers about IL in Portuguese, in which Barbosa (1989) offers us some intuitions for an analysis to this phenomenon. Pilati (2002) describes the IL constructions as presentational sentences and Quarezemin (2006) proposes that these constructions are motivated by a dicourse-like function since its subjects must be interpretated as the focus of the sentences. After that we present an analysis to the IL in BP, showing that there are two different kinds of IL - the IL itself and the discourse-like IL. The last chapter presents the conclusions of this research, pointing some similarities between the IL constructions and the topicalization of PPs. More than proposing an analysis to the IL in BP our goal is to show the importance of such phenomenon in a more general view of the BP grammatical studies, considering that IL can be a clue that would characterize BP as an EPP language.

This paper examines the discourse function of locative inversion (LI) in Swahili in a sample of twelve literary texts of various kinds and genres, written by different writers from Zanzibar as well as the mainland (Tanzania as well as Kenya) and published between 1960 and 2007. In the sample, I was able to identify only 21 examples of LI altogether, which suggests that the frequency of LI in general may be quite low. My analysis shows that these examples of LI are mainly used in background descriptions, that is, in longer or shorter sections where mostly places and objects are described in some detail. Furthermore, most of the identified locative inverted constructions are agentless passives; however, my sample also contains LI with process verbs. As I shall argue, locative inverted constructions are primarily discourse-pragmatically motivated and context-dependent, and their information structure can generelly be captured by assigning topic and focus features. Most specifically, my analysis shows that in most cases the preverbal locative is topical in the sense that its referent is available from the preceding context by bridging inferences. However, a few of the examples also show that locative inverted constructions sometimes also have even more subtle pragmatic effects.

本篇論文以詞彙映照理論 (Lexical Mapping Theory) 為理論基礎，討論 中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象。藉由詞彙映照理論，本篇論文 顯示中文間接受詞的轉換與地方詞倒置的現象是受了詞彙律( morpholexical rule)的影響。本篇論文進而指出論元結構的改變在於詞 彙律是否參與映照過成。如果一個句子可由述結構所管轄的論元結構和語 法功能相互映照而預測出它的表面結構，我們便視這個句子為基本的語法 結構。如果一個句子在映照過成中需要詞彙律參與運作才能預測出它的表 層結構，我們便將之歸類為衍生的句法結構。 In the current theory of Lexical Functional Grammar, the lexical Mapping Theory (LMT) distinguishes itself with its non- transformational prediction of the surface structures of sentences. This thesis demonstrates that with a revised LMT, we gain a new insight on the syntactic account of Mandarin dative construction and locative inversion. The revised LMT asserts for a null intrinsic value for the goal and locative roles, a morpholexical operation on primitive features and a principle of underspecification. The intrinsic classifications is motivated from the concept of prototype. The morpholexical operation may add but not change features. The principle of underspecification signifies the spirit of markedness. With this revised LMT, we focus our concern on how the functional structures of dative construction and locative inversion are to be syntactically projected via the mapping principles that govern the correspondence between thematic roles of the argument structure and grammatical functions. Within the framework of this revised LMT, the Dative Shift and alternations between locative phrase and locative inversion are explained with the operation of morpholexical rules. In this thesis, kernal dative constructions and locative phrase are defined as structures without morpholexical rules whereas the derived dative construction and locative inversion are interpreted as sentence structutes mediated by morpholexical operations.

有關漢語動結式的議題，中心語與論元體現皆呈現了複雜的現象。就中心語這部份，過去研究(Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003)的論點相當分歧，顯示漢語動結式中心語的位置仍有討論的空間；至於論元體現方面，由於論元與詞類間的互動會帶出許多不同的語意和句法表現，而先前的研究(Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995)尚未足以完整的解釋這些情形。 本研究主要從詞彙的角度來探討中心語和論元體現這兩個議題。首先，依照Her (2004, 2007)的分析方式，本研究嘗試排列出漢語動結式合法的論元結構，並利用這些論元結構描述各個動結式的論元體現，解釋可能的語意及句法結構。接著，同樣根據所提出的合法論元結構，以顯現的論元為主，並採用有關判斷中心語的假設(Zwicky, 1984; Y. Li, 1990, 1995; Chung, 2006; C. Li, 2008, 2009)，整理出漢語動結式中心語的位置。最後，詞彙功能語法中的詞彙映照理論驗證了本研究前半部分對論元體現與中心語的討論，這個理論也另外解釋漢語動結式處所詞倒置的現象。 / Two issues regarding Mandarin resultative compounds, headedness and argument realization, present a complex phenomenon. For one thing, extensive studies (Cheng & Huang, 1994; Gu, 1992; Huang & Lin, 1992; Y. Li, 1990, 1993, 1995, 1999; C. Li, 2008, 2009; Shen, 1992; Tai, 2003) concerning headedness fail to critically determine the head of a Mandarin resultative compound. For another, despite previous research (Her, 2004, 2007; Li, 1990, 1995), the interaction between arguments and grammatical functions of Mandarin resultative compounds remains inconclusive. To settle the foregoing matters, the purpose of this thesis is to probe into argument realization and headedness from a lexicalist approach, aiming to provide a full account of both issues. In the first part of this thesis, following Her’s (2004, 2007) analysis, the thesis focuses on formulating systematic feasible argument structures for Mandarin resultative compounds, then examining the argument structures of a resultative compound to explain its possible readings and syntactic representations. Based on the available argument structures proposed in the first half, the second part of the thesis investigates the headedness of Mandarin resultative compounds, suggesting that the head can be determined when arguments are overt. The criterion for headedness that is adopted in this thesis involves assumptions proposed by Zwicky (1984), Y. Li (1990, 1995), Chung (2006), and C. Li (2008, 2009). Finally, the thesis demonstrates that both issues of argument realization and headedness are well governed by Lexical Mapping Theory and that Lexical Mapping Theory further clarifies constructions with locative inversion of Mandarin resultative compounds.

本篇論文主要是採用詞彙功能語法以及篇章功能語法來檢視處所詞倒置的結構在中英文裡的表現，分別從四個層次來檢視，包括了語意結構、詞組結構、句法功能結構、以及信息結構。首先，能進行處所詞倒置的動詞必須要是帶有一個客體及一個方位詞的論元結構，或是帶有一個由主事者和客體所組成的複合論元以及一個方位詞的論元結構。其次，在詞組結構中，英文的前置處所詞是屬於介系詞，而中文裡的前置處所詞是屬於名詞。再者，前置的處所詞在中文裡是位於主詞的位置，但在英文裡是句法功能結構上的主詞。最後，在句子的信息結構上，考量到信息編排的方式，後置的名詞傾向是無定的名詞而非代名詞，而且傾向是比前置的處所詞還要長的詞組。就篇章信息而言，處所詞倒置必須考慮到對前的連結及對後的連結。另外在文體修飾上為了對仗的效果也會促使處所詞倒置的產生。 透過對比分析，本篇論文有系統地比較英文和中文在處所詞結構的表現，主要目的在於為學習英文的中文講者提供教學上的啟發。而將理論語法運用在教學語法上，也顯示出這兩者語法之間的關連性以及合作性。一方面理論語法可以提供教學語法一個強而有力的理論後盾；另一方面，教學語法也提供了理論語法研究的動機。總的來說，將理論語法運用在教學方面，不僅對語言教學有助益，對語言學研究的領域上也有相當的幫助。 / This paper examines locative inversion construction by adopting Lexical Functional Grammar and discourse grammar. The examination concerns both English and Mandarin, from four structure levels, a-structure, c-structure, f-structure, and information structure. First, a locative inversion verb takes an a-structure of <theme locative> or <agent-theme locative>. Second, in c-structure, the preposed locative belongs to PP in English but to NP in Mandarin. Third, whereas the preposed locative phrase is in the subject position in Mandarin, the one in English is only a functional subject in f-structure. Finally, in information structure, given information packaging, the postposed theme is inclined to be an indefinite nominal instead of a pronoun and to be a longer constituent than the preposed locative phrase; in contextual information, a linking device, used either anaphorically or cataphorically, is necessary for locative inversion, and stylistic parallelism further facilitates the occurrence of locative inversion. With the systematic comparison of English and Mandarin, this paper aims to provide pedagogical suggestions in regard to English learning for Mandarin speakers, by virtue of the use of Contrastive Analysis. The application of theoretical grammar to the language teaching field indicates the correlation and cooperation between theoretical grammar and pedagogical grammar. On the one hand, the theoretical grammar provides a firm and reliable theoretical support for language teaching; on the other hand, the pedagogical grammar is the motivation to the research of theoretical grammar. All in all, the application of theoretical grammar to language teaching contributes not only to the language teaching filed but also to the linguistic research.

Diese Dissertation untersucht die Syntax nichtkanonischer Subjekte und Subjektpositionen - insbesondere zwei Phänomene: Lokativinversion (LI) in Englisch, Französisch, Italienisch und Hebräisch; und Verbdrittverletzungen der Verbzweitregel (V2) in Kiezdeutsch - eine urbane Kontaktvarietät des Deutschen. In LI besetzt eine Lokativ-XP die präverbale Stelle, aber das kanonische DP-Subjekt in Nominativ taucht postverbal auf. Sprachübergreifend vergleiche ich a) die Verteilung unterschiedlicher Null- und overten Argumente in LI und b) die Verfügbarkeit von LI in Matrix- und Nebensätzen. Die zweite Fallstudie befasst sich mit kiezdeutschen V2-Verletzungen, denn sie folgen einer regelmäßigen Reihenfolge: [Rahmensetzer > Subjekt > finites Verb]; dies ist bemerkenswert aufgrund der Verletzung der ansonsten strengen Verbzweitregel und auch, weil es auf die Innovation einer Art Subjektposition hindeutet, die im Standarddeutschen fehlt. Anhand einer Korpusstudie komme ich zu der Erkenntnis, dass die scheinbare Subjektvoraussetzung auch für resumptive V3-Dislozierungsphänomene gilt. Dennoch wird gezeigt, dass die Subjektvoraussetzung mit dem nominativischen DP-Subjekten verbundenen EPP nicht ganz übereinstimmt. Ich entwickele eine Theorie von Subjektvoraussetzungen, die sowohl die Breite der untersuchten Variation in LI als auch die An/Abwesenheit von Subjektvorausetzungen im Vorfeld bei V3-Sätzen im Standarddeutschen und Kiezdeutschen erklären kann. Schließlich lassen sich diese Phänomene durch unterschiedliche Verteilungen und Vererbungsoperationen von D-, ϕ- und informationsstrukturellen δ-Merkmalen (cf. Miyagawa 2017) zwischen dem Phasenkopf C und T erklären. Die Anwesenheit nichtkanonischer Subjekte in LI und kanonischer Subjekte in einer nichtkanonischen Subjektposition im Kiezdeutschen werden durch Variation in der Verteilung eines für das Prädikatssubjekt spezifizierten δ-Merkmal abgeleitet. Dieses Merkmal ist aber unabhänging von den üblichen EPP-Voraussetzungen. / This dissertation addresses syntactic structures involving non-canonical subjects and non-canonical subject positions, investigating two phenomena: Locative Inversion (LI) in English, French, Italian, and Hebrew; and verb-third violations of the verb-second (V2) rule in Kiezdeutsch, an urban contact variety of German. In LI a spatio-deictic XP appears in the preverbal canonical subject position, while the canonical nominative subject DP surfaces postverbally. I compare the distribution of different covert and overt arguments participating in LI and the availability of LI in embedded and matrix contexts crosslinguistically. The second case study concentrates on Kiezdeutsch V2 violations, as they follow a regular order of [frame-setting adverb > Subject > finite verb]; this is remarkable because it both violates an otherwise strict V2 requirement and also indicates the innovation of a subject position lacking in Standard German. I carry out a corpus study and find that an apparent subject requirement extends to other verb-third resumptive-dislocation phenomena, yet we cannot understand this requirement in the sense of an EPP position associated with nominative DP subjects. From a theoretical perspective, this dissertation develops a theory of subject requirements capable of accounting for the breadth of investigated crosslinguistic variation in LI and the presence or absence of a high clausal subject requirement in Kiezdeutsch V2-violations and more standard varieties of German. Ultimately, I make use of finite differences across C and T in the distribution of D, ϕ, and discourse-related δ-features (cf. Miyagawa 2017) via different inheritance options from the phase head. The presence of non-canonical subjects in LI and the presence of canonical subjects in a seemingly non-canonical subject position in Kiezdeutsch are both derivable via variation in the placement of a δ-feature with a specification for Subject of Predication orthogonal to typical EPP requirements.