Notre travail a pour objet d’étudier des processus d’appropriation de l’espace inhérents à l’implantation de commerces ethniques dans les quartiers de Château Rouge à Paris et de Brixton à Londres. Il est concentré sur les modalités selon lesquelles ce commerce ethnique qui implique des populations d’origine africaine et antillaise peut conditionner la visibilité de ces groupes au sein de l’espace urbain, et plus largement de la société d’accueil. Les contributions existantes dans le champ de l’entreprenariat migrant et du commerce ethnique révèlent une attention particulière portée sur le côté entrepreneurial de ces activités. Y sont discutés les facteurs explicatifs du succès économique de certains groupes migrants, ainsi que le rôle des ressources ethniques en termes de modes de fonctionnement de ces entreprises. Cependant, alors que les travaux dans ce champ de recherche ont grandement amélioré notre compréhension des activités économiques dans lesquelles sont engagés les migrants, elles ont plus rarement interrogé la manière dont le commerce ethnique contribue au marquage de l’espace urbain. Cette thèse vise à contribuer à cette littérature abondante à partir de la prise en compte des commerçants et des clients plutôt que des seuls entrepreneurs. Spécifiquement, il s’agit ici de privilégier l’étude de marqueurs symboliques attachés à l’espace par les pratiques inhérentes au commerce ethnique. Notre recherche montre que l’implantation du commerce ethnique à Château Rouge et à Brixton produit différentes configurations spatiales et implique différents processus d’appropriation de l’espace, ainsi qu’une variété de références à un « ailleurs » géographique et culturel dans l’espace urbain, et de discours en rapport avec la visibilité de ce commerce et des groupes migrants concernés. / This research seeks to analyse processes of space appropriation pertaining to the insertion of ethnic trade in the areas of Château Rouge, Paris and Brixton, London. It is focused on the ways in which this trade involving populations of African or Caribbean descent affects the visibility of these groups within the urban space. The existing literature on ethnic entrepreneurship and ethnic trade is focused on the entrepreneurial side of migrant-owned businesses and has discussed the economic success of minorities as well as the role of ethnic resources in the advent and management of these businesses. While these contributions have greatly enhanced our understanding of the migrants’ economic activities, they rarely have questioned how ethnic trade participates in the marking of urban space. This research contributes to the literature by focusing on entrepreneurs and customers rather than entrepreneurs alone, and especially on the sets of symbolic markers that are attached to space by the practices of ethnic trade. This research shows that the insertion of ethnic trade in Château Rouge and Brixton leads to different outcomes in terms space appropriation by African and Caribbean populations, representations of otherness in the urban space, and public discourses and narratives on the visibility of ethnic trade and migrant populations.

This thesis concerns the invention, improvisation, and right to ownership of the punk patent and questions the contention, put by the band’s manager, Malcolm McLaren, and other commentators, that the Sex Pistols and English punk were a Situationist prank. This challenge to what, in the majority of punk literature, has become an ‘accepted truth’ was first raised by McLaren’s nemesis, the band’s lead singer, John Lydon. McLaren and Lydon did agree that the London punk movement took its inspiration from the anarchic and chaotic energies of the eighteenth–century London mob. This common crowd could switch instantly and unpredictably from a passive state to an anarchic, violent and destructive mob, or ‘King Mob’: one that turned all authority on its head in concerted, but undirected, acts of misrule. Through his own improvisation with punk tropes, Lydon came to embody English punk and functioned, on the one hand, as a natural mob leader; and on the other, as a focus for the mob’s anger. I argue that, in following McLaren’s reduction of the Sex Pistols to a Situationistinspired prank, one of the earliest and most influential analyses of the punk phenomenon, Greil Marcus’s Lipstick Traces: A Secret History of the Twentieth Century, misunderstood how fundamental the culture and semiotics of the London mob was to McLaren, Lydon, the Sex Pistols and the performance of London punk. I take seriously, then, the idea that the cultural signifiers the Sex Pistols drew upon to make their punk performances, and which accounted in no small way for their ability to ‘outrage’, were exclusively British and unique to London’s cultural topography and the culture of the London crowd. After the implosion of the Sex Pistols on their 1978 American tour, with Lydon quitting in disgust, McLaren attempted to take ownership of the punk legacy: both actually, through attempting to assert his copyright over the Sex Pistols’ brand; and symbolically through re-writing the Sex Pistols’ story in his 1980 movie The Great Rock ‘n’ Roll Swindle. Curiously, and most notably, the mob is foregrounded in the film through its opening sequence, which draws heavily from the events of the Gordon Riots in 1780. This thesis contests the paradigm put in place by McLaren’s version of events as portrayed in The Great Rock ‘n’ Roll Swindle and reconsiders punk as a cultural object trouve. In particular, I consider literary influences on its protagonists: Graham Greene on John Lydon and Charles Dickens and J. M. Barrie on Malcolm McLaren. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The role of London in forming New Zealand���s culture and identity is a significant feature of New Zealand���s cultural history that has, until now, been overlooked. Ties with London and with ���Home��� generally, have received little study, and ���Britishness��� in New Zealand is largely considered a legacy of demography to be eventually outgrown. This thesis suggests something different. During the period 1890-1940, technology changed cultural perceptions of time and space, and it changed the relationship between metropole and former colony too. These technologies drew New Zealand and London closer together. London was constructed as an active part of the New Zealand cultural landscape, rather than as a nostalgic remnant of a predominantly British-born settler population. London was New Zealand���s metropolis too, with consequences for the way New Zealand culture was shaped. This thesis considers the cultural impact of London using four tropes linked to those changing perceptions of time and space. ���Greater New Zealand��� is concerned with space, whilst ������New��� New Zealand��� is concerned with time. ���London���s Farm��� and the ���Imaginative Hinterland��� consider propinquity and simultaneity respectively. Each theme draws from different bases of evidence in order to suggest London���s broad impact. Collectively, they argue for a shift away from a core and periphery relationship, towards one better described as a city and hinterland relationship. This approach draws upon existing national, imperial, and cultural historiography, whilst at the same time questioning some of their conventions and conceptions. New Zealand as hinterland challenges the conceptual borders of ���national history���, exploring the transnational nature of cultural formations that otherwise have been considered as autochthonous New Zealand (or for that matter, British) developments. At the same time, whilst hinterlands may exist as part of empire, they are not necessarily products of it. Nor are they necessarily formed in opposition to the metropole, even though alterity is often used to explain colonial relationships. ���New Zealand���s London��� is, instead a reciprocal creation. Its shared cultural landscape is specific, but at the same time, it offers an alternative means for understanding other white settler colonies. Like New Zealand, their cultural histories may be more complex cultural constructions than national or imperial stories allow. / Whole document restricted, but available by request, use the feedback form to request access.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2006. / Title from PDF title page screen. Advisor: Russ McDonald; submitted to the Dept. of English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 394-433).

This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.

This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.

The allotments scheme was a complex and diverse social, political, and economic movement that provided the labouring classes with small plots of land, usually no larger than one-eighth of an acre, on which to grow vegetables. From the late nineteenth century to the end of the First World War in 1918, the East End of London experienced an overwhelming increase in allotment cultivation and provision. Working-class men in the boroughs of Hackney, Poplar, East Ham, and West Ham participated in the allotments scheme for a variety of reasons. Allotments were places in which a working man could grow his own food with his familys help to supplement low, casual or seasonal wages, and his gardening kept him out of the pub and on the land. During the war period, food prices increased to intolerable levels in the East End so that the allotment was one of the few ways to reasonably feed the family, especially for the casual dockers. East Enders maintained personal and collective connections to the land that they had lost both through the Enclosure Acts of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and the urban sprawl of the early twentieth century. Finally, allotment gardening provided the healthy leisure activities of exercise, horticultural education, and civic participation. </p><p>The allotment was embedded in a social ethic that espoused industriousness, sobriety, respectability, and independence and in this way was a middle class solution to a working class problem. Yet, working men adopted the scheme as their own with enthusiasm and dedication and created natural spaces in the degraded landscape of the East End. By 1916, with the passage of the Cultivation of Lands Order, the East End boasted thousands of allotments growing vegetables on Londons vacant lots largely due to the persistent demands of residents on their local borough councils. The allotment association provided East End men with an unparalleled opportunity for grassroots political participation and gave way to a marked increase in working-class political awareness during the period. East Enders gained a foothold in local, regional, metropolitan, and later national politics for the first time in decades. The allotment in the East End also significantly changed the environment in which it was situated. The green space improved the esthetic of the area, adding to the general well-being of all of the boroughs citizens. East End allotments brought life to an area that many believed was lifeless. Not only did working men prove they could bring their sooty surroundings to life, but that they could also bring back to life the long-latent self-sufficiency of their ancestors. They were attracted to the scheme at a higher rate than many of the other 28 London boroughs because of their poverty, their maintained connection to green space, their cultural and political interest in land, and their profound sense of the loss of the land and the independence it brought.

No description available.

Date: May 30, 2012  University: Mälardalen University, Sweden  Program: MIMA- International Marketing  Course Name: Master Thesis (EFO705)  Title: Creating Brand Awareness Through Event Marketing  The Off-Field Competition of Sportswear Companies in the Olympics  Authors: Laura Dolge and Malin Marmbrandt  Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to research how companies are promoting themselves efficiently to increase brand awareness through advertisement in major sporting events, through viral marketing and athlete endorsement.  Research Questions: Firstly: What are the major differences and similarities between the official and non-official sponsors and their marketing activities when creating brand awareness in sporting events?  Secondly: How do official and non-official sponsoring companies increase brand awareness in sporting events through viral marketing activities?  Thirdly: How do official and non-official sponsoring companies increase brand awareness in sporting events through athlete endorsement?  Method: Data was collected with a qualitative multi-method approach that consists of observations of online social networks and media (netnography), and semi-structured interviews was applied.  Conclusion: The main differences between the official and the non-official sponsor´s marketing campaigns are that the official sponsor has the advantage of using the event’s logo in its campaigns, and is able to advertise during the event. Whilst, there are many rules that restricts the non-official company´s campaigns. Regardless, non-official sponsors are still able to associate themselves with the event by using creative viral marketing campaigns and endorsing athletes, thus create brand awareness by so called ambush marketing.

While documenting the Old Spitalfields Market in London, UK prior to its renovation in 2006, I happened across a simple yet provocative statement- 'this will all be fields again'- inscribed into the existing pavement in an area just inside one of the eastern entrances. What it was able to report in just six simple words is the inescapable process of transformation to which the entire neighbourhood had been and will be subjected to. Rediscovered in a photograph years later, the presence of that message is explored here. As an instrumental narrative, this thesis invests in four parameters of architecture that are as much a reflection of my own struggle to articulate the experience of both literally and figuratively moving within the neighbourhood, as they are indicative of the neighbourhood’s propensity for fragmentation and fluctuation through time. Throughout this work, I have tried to place myself both on and in the moment of crisis between the opposed binaries of the material and immaterial city, and to write the necessary fiction that might allow me to hold them simultaneously in the present.